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| Introduction + |
Introduction The purpose of this document is to explore the 2007 destabilisation of global financial markets. It concerns issues that have the potential to disrupt economic relationships (and a credit bubble?) which have been critical to the uninterrupted global economic boom of the last two decades. The July-August 2007 instabilities (which were not resolved when this document was drafted) were triggered by losses through 'sub-prime' mortgage lending in the US - and could have adverse global economic impacts. However this problem is complicated because:
By late 2007 indications were emerging of the wide repercussions of the credit freeze the sub-prime crisis induced, and of other possible sources of financial instability that were not directly attributable to the sub-prime crisis. These suggest that:
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| Losing Confidence in CDOs + |
Losing Confidence in CDOs - Collateralised Debt Obligations The sub-prime side of the story starts with the development of techniques for funding lending through securitisation - eg bundling mortgages together and selling CDOs (ie the associated security, income stream and risks) to bond markets. This was a genuine financial innovation. It made some people a lot of money. It reduced the risks (and potential for systemic instability) associated with traditional debt funding - ie where banks borrow short and invest long and can be in trouble if a market downturn triggers a loss in value of their investments and a desire for investors to withdraw their deposits. These techniques have not only been applied to home lending but to the debt funding of other types of investment. They have also been used for leveraged corporate buy-outs. However CDOs have been oversold to bond markets. The risks associated with mortgages to borrowers with poor repayment capacity were not properly disclosed - presumably because mortgage originators (for example) had incentive to 'do deals' but not to ensure that investors fully understood what was involved. Mortgage originators expected to pass the risk to investors. Rating agencies also had not done their jobs their jobs well in identifying the risks in purchasing such assets. Substantial losses have been incurred in some funds, because advances were made to mortgagees in excess of their capacity to pay (especially when interest rates rose). The process of realising sup-prime losses may still be at an early stage because many sub-prime loans are scheduled for automatic resetting of interest rates at much higher levels over the next 2-3 years. Some observers suggested that:
Because of the parallel development of other financial instruments (derivatives) that allowed higher returns to those who carried the risk component of CDOs, those marginal losses have translated into complete loss of capital in some funds which took the high risk / high return component of the CDOs. Moreover there are presumably many yet-undisclosed losses on the books of financial institutions and other businesses. Thus other entities will have losses on their books, that they don't even know about yet. The fact that no one's financial strength is now actually clear means that (a) investors will be nervous and (b) effects will drag on for some time. In particular banks worldwide may have an exposure to around $1000bn of uncertain asset-backed securities issued by associated firms that banks have guaranteed (and on which they might experience $500bn in losses). Also some $1000bn in short term debt needs to be rolled over in the short term. Banks are probably hoarding cash to cover these liabilities, and refusing to lend to other banks because it is not clear how solvent they are [1]. Investors were shocked to discover that there were unexpected and undisclosed risks in complex financial products - and this initially shut down their willingness to invest, not only in securities backed by uncertain mortgages, but also in other similar instruments. This dislocated the process of securitised debt funding through bond markets for business as well as real estate. This potentially has huge economic and geo-political implications. Structured credit assets had become important in debt financing of investment generally. Moreover processing global investment had become economically important in some countries (eg UK) and the way in which Asian and Middle Eastern savings were channelled into apparently safe investments in US and Europe [1]. Ending a Virtuous Circle Loss of investor confidence in complex financial instruments is, however, merely a symptom of problems that have been developing for a long time. Cheap credit had been provided through bond markets with too little (sometimes no) allowance for risk. Discounting investment risk to virtually zero has been partly a consequence of the development of techniques by reserve banks to prevent financial market 'busts' from affecting the real economy. This was first demonstrated by the US Fed Reserve under Alan Greenspan in 1987, and involved the Fed's willingness to provide emergency credit to banks and others to enable them to ride out the effect of the financial market crisis without having to exacerbate it by selling assets. Because the Fed's innovative response in 1987 allowed investment to be seen as much less risky:
The latter 'virtuous' economic circle may no longer be sustainable. Another 'virtuous circle' has been suggested to involve the adoption in US of 'mark-to-market' or 'fair value' accounting practices in 1993. This accelerated the rate at which banks' capital base (and thus capacity for further lending) would increase in a rising property market (with the reverse in a falling market). There were warnings at the time that this could increase the risk of financial bubbles [1] Ungovernable Financial Markets Financial markets had become 'ungovernable' because of globalization, the emergence of financial innovations that existing institutions were not designed to deal with and the growth of East Asian economies with radically different (and arguably incompatible and unsustainable) approaches to economic, financial and monetary affairs (a possibility that is addressed in more detail below) Financial markets had become ungovernable (ie no one was in a position to prevent the emergence of systemic risks) because of globalisation, and the inadequacy of the multilateral institutions established by the 1944 Bretton Woods agreement (eg the IMF) to adequately regulate the global financial system as it has now developed. For example, global financial imbalances (referred to below) arguably reflect 'clash of civilization' issues that were simply inconceivable in 1944 - yet the result is that developing nations now prefer to run current account surpluses and the core function of the IMF (ie providing emergency capital to such countries) is thus largely superfluous. Globalization may also have made management of monetary policy by reserve banks unreliable, because interest rates are set to achieve inflationary targets - though inflation has been artificially low because of cheap (mainly Asian) imports. Thus interest rates have perhaps been set unrealistically low, leading to excessive borrowing for property investment. [1]. On the other hand it is argued that reducing interest rates would not encourage more risky use of funds - as this is usually said to occur when interest rates rise [1]. In any event the development of CDOs has reduced the ability of national reserve banks even in the US to
control the growth of credit, which they had traditionally done by setting the
ratio of deposits to lending which banks needed to maintain (eg say 8%) -
hopefully to ensure financial stability for the system as a whole.
Banks can otherwise create a virtually unlimited amount of credit (and thus expand money supply) because whenever they make an advance this tends to result in a deposit somewhere else in the banking system. And creating credit can, in turn, have macroeconomic effects (eg on the rate of economic growth and inflation) and also affect financial and property markets (eg by providing credit for leveraged purchase of shares or real estate). Banks created 'special investment vehicles' (SIVs) for CDOs which matched investors with bundled assets - for which the banks gained management fees without theoretically having any ongoing direct financial involvement in the SIVs. For many years CDOs provided a mechanism, outside any authority's control, to create large amounts of credit - and this has been part of the driver of real estate / business investment and household consumption (by drawing upon escalating asset values) which has underpinned strong economic growth in recent years - and created the potential for systemic failure.
The former chairman of the US Fed, Alan Greenspan, argued in December 2007 that a housing bubble emerged because when reserve banks started to tighten short term interest rates in 2004 this had no effect on longer term rates (ie these stayed low) because financial markets had become too strong for reserve banks to control [1] Impact on Banks The non-bank institutions, that now have a significant role in financing, appear to have suffered something like a traditional 'run on the bank' (ie where some losses are made that encourage investors to withdraw funds, so requiring 'fire sales' of assets which compound losses). Reserve banks were established to counter this risk for banks, but don't have power over the non-bank institutions [1]. Moreover some of the non-bank institutions exposed to these losses are bank-associated firms operating under bank guarantees. Because the rules which had restricted their exposure to risky assets were relaxed, some banks are thus exposed to substantial losses - which may put their solvency at risk, a problem that reserve banks can't deal with by creating more credit [1]. Observers have suggested that the banking system is in serious difficulties. For example:
Economic Consequences For years investors have been able to virtually ignore investment risk, so capital has been very cheap. If current instabilities don't have a crippling economic effect, credit must inevitably be more expensive in future. As interest rates go up significantly, many investments that would have appeared viable will no longer be attractive, and this must have adverse global and local macro-economic effects. It can be noted that interest rates to business and consumers have increased [1], though the increase has been relatively modest (ie about 35 basis points on commercial paper) and this was stabilizing by September 2007 [1]. However this only applied to the investment in high quality assets that was proceeding, and gives little indication of what might apply in areas where credit remains frozen. In recent years a significant amount of economic activity (in US / UK in particular but also in Australia) has shifted into financial services (ie developing currently-suspect financial instruments) and this segment of the economy will now be in trouble for some time. The implications
of this for investment prospects in Australia need consideration.
For example RAMS home loans had based its funding for investment on short term commercial paper
[1] and found it difficult to obtain refinancing. Other entities (eg Macquarie
Bank) have aggressively mobilized funds for infrastructure investment through
techniques that have been suggested to be now at risk. Observers concerned
with credit unions have noted that difficulties in raising funds are now
global and that Australia is vulnerable because its securitization market
relies on foreign investors [1].
The implications for Queensland's state financial position (and taxation) need consideration - especially given the high levels of debt-based infrastructure investment now under way. The implications for Australia's housing market also require consideration - as banks exposed to heavily indebted households who in turn are susceptible to increased interest rates or unemployment. The IMF has suggested that household efforts to reduce debts could hurt consumption. The Reserve Bank argues that risks are low (eg mortgage arrears are low; Sub-prime lending is only small part of market; household assets have risen faster than debts). However those with the assets may not be the ones with the mortgages, and a large segment of the population has never experienced rising unemployment - and may have taken on too much debt [1]. The Economist Intelligence Unit has warned that Australia is one of three countries at most risk of following the US into a housing slump [1]. Higher interest rates will also have possible implications for Australia's current account position (and exchange rate). Australia has (something like) $700bn in foreign debts most of which apparently represent borrowings for investment in real estate - which need to be rolled over from time to time. This will be at higher interest rates in future - which will increase the current account deficit. It will also inevitably affect mortgage interest rates - and perhaps trigger a downturn in property values. As the latter are a major part of the collateral for the borrowings which balance Australia's current account deficit, funding that deficit could become difficult. The Bank of International Settlements (BIS) has warned that Australia is at risk of capital flight [1] if anything disrupted the 'carry trades' (see below) - and the consequences of this would be devaluation of the $A and high inflation. The real value of accumulated national wealth would be at risk, as would be Australians' ability to control their own future. The fact that the value of the $A has been volatile (and fallen sharply several times) recently can be noted. In December 2007, indicators emerged of the potential for a current account crisis because banks had for some months not gained international commercial funding (see below). Financial institutions together with resource companies have been the strongest components of Australia's share market. The financial sector has also been a major contributor to income taxes, and the the ability of the federal government to reduce tax rates. When the
effect of the sub-prime crisis spread to investor aversion to any complex
financial instruments, financial markets and business were in trouble.
The European Central Bank started making credit available overnight, when it became apparent that there would be large spill-over effects on European institutions from systemic dislocations triggered by US subprime mortgage losses. The US Fed has backed the conventional banks with a lot of credit - so firms who might have sought funding through now-suspect financial instruments have somewhere to go. But, as noted above, banks may not pass this on as they have their own problems. One report suggested that such funds tended to be simply invested in government bonds. In any event, there will be huge numbers of potential borrowers lined up outside a few narrow gates, and interest rates will escalate to reflect risk more realistically. The US Fed and Australia's reserve bank have also extended credit to non-banking entities that would be outside its normal range of responsibility - an indicated a willingness to accept CDOs as collateral - a step which one observer suggested to be probably unavoidable under the circumstances but potentially puts the value of their national currencies on the line (personal communication). The US Fed also aggressively reduced the interest rate it charges banks (ie by 0.5% in September 2007) hopefully to stimulate the economy - and thus prevent a recession. However one observer suggested that this would only deal with the problem of liquidity - not with the problem of bank solvency [1]. Another suggested that keeping interest rates low through central bank action would boost house prices, and keeps consumers on 'retail therapy' which could make the financial crisis worse [1] In December 2007 reserve banks in many countries agreed to collaborate in providing loans to banks in order lower interest rates and ease the availability of credit [1]. Observers suggested that this move would:
Presumably financial intermediaries and rating companies are working to boost the credibility / transparency of their claims about complex financial instruments - so that those complex instruments will start to regain respectability in (say) 12 months. It has been suggested, for example, that problems in CDOs can be ended by proper disclosure [1]. Proposals have been advanced for tighter regulation of mortgage lending practices. US president Bush is expected to bail out households who are over-extended on their mortgages (eg with government sponsored credit or tax relief). Something like 2m families seemed likely to lose their homes in the US as interest rates rise, and the adverse effect on consumer confidence has been seen to require action. Government, rather than reserve bank, action was preferred because the latter (ie reducing interest rates generally) would have simply allowed unrealistically cheap lending to continue. Government bail-outs will reduce immediate losses (and cuts in consumer demand) but a potential for longer term losses is being created. US government-backed mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac have been given authority to purchase mortgage-backed securities - thus perhaps allowing some private losses to be socialized. Some investors are apparently moving to acquire sub-prime mortgage assets on the assumption that prices are currently very low. Major banks (encouraged by US Treasury) proposed pooling together to establish a $100bn fund to purchase shaky mortgage backed securities in order to prevent any need for a 'fire sale' of assets. The theory was that there would be value in those assets which current market conditions do not reveal. However some believe that this would merely protect those with the largest losses at others' expense [1], while others have suggested that the proposal could be counter-productive by delaying the introduction of transparency into the mortgage backed security market, and thus delaying the re-emergence of investor confidence [1]. In practice this action did not eventuate. Another plan has been developed (through US Treasury) to freeze mortgage rate resets for 5 years for owner-occupiers whose repayment history has been good but can't afford higher rates [1]. This would reduce companies' risk of defaulting on their debt [1] However it would:
Others suggested that the plan would (a) encourage fraud and create a bureaucratic nightmare and (b) probably fail because mortgage securities are owned by many groups some of whom have no incentive to support such changes as they bear no loss in a default [1] or (c) set a dangerous precedent [1] Communities affected by large numbers of home repossessions seem to be experiencing severe social stresses - and confidence in the ethics of the financial system is threatened. Legal action to recover individual losses may be directed against the banks whose associated firms were responsible for sub-prime lending. This could increase the risk of bank insolvencies. The responses of financial markets to these development (as always) reflect a balance between greed and fear. An aside: Such markets are 'efficient' in integrating the diverse information available to thousands of entities in an economy. However they are not efficient in dealing with systemic changes (ie situations that no one had expected), and it is then that the 'wisdom of a crowd' can become the 'panic of a herd'. A member of the RBA board suggested that the US economy could go into recession without seriously adversely affecting the global economy, and that US sub-prime problems would be brief [1] - a perception that seems typical of many professional observers but which this document suggests may be overly optimistic (see further below). In early 2008 it was reported that the US government was alarmed about the situation and had re-assembled its 'plunge protection team' which has power to support markets by buying futures contracts on stock indices. Because of its budget surplus the US government has some (but not unlimited) ability to counter the expected economic downturn. [1] The US Fed introduced large (0.75% and 0.5%) sudden cuts in interest rates to forestall what appeared likely to be a stock market collapse. This has some effect on the market but observers suggest that it may be inadequate because:
US regulators are reportedly trying to spur a bailout of bond insurers (monoliners) [1] In late January 2008, major banks expressed some confidence that the problems were being brought under control - because of the above initiatives [1]. Others have more apocalyptic interpretations, For example:
In March 2008 the US Fed:
The US Government unveiled plans for regulatory reform which observers suggested might prevent a repeat of the crisis, but do little to resolve it [1] It was also pointed out that the success or failure of efforts to stem problems in the financial system depended a great deal on inter-relationships with the 'real economy'. If the latter responded to stimulatory measures, the economic impacts will be limited - but if it doesn't the impact could be long and severe [1] |
| Financial Imbalances + |
Financial Imbalances The global context to these developments (which initiated in US financial markets) is significant because of financial imbalances that have developed in recent decades. The US in particular (but also Australia, UK etc) have run large current account deficits, which have been funded by capital account surpluses - while major economies in East Asia (Japan, China, Korea and some others) have had current account surpluses and large capital outflow (especially to the US). This financial imbalance has reflected (in part) the shift of many manufacturing industries to low wage economies mainly in East Asia and the superior ability that the US (and others) have had in financial services - a sector which is now in trouble and thus (as in Australia) potentially unable to attract the investment required to maintain a stable global financial imbalance. As suggested above the financial techniques through which these capital transfers have been managed may have been discredited. And by early 2008 both Europe and Japan seemed to have suffered economic shocks because of these imbalances and there was some question about whether commercial funding of current account deficits was still continuing - thus probably giving a reduction of these imbalances a new urgency (see below). However there is also a complex story behind some of those imbalances - details of which are speculated in Structural Incompatibility Puts Global Growth at Risk.
The economic consequence of large current account surpluses is an imbalance between supply and demand (ie a demand deficit) which potentially has the same (domestic and ultimately global) macroeconomic effect as the failure of demand associated with the Great Depression - which led to Keynes' prescription of increased public spending as the means for countering downturns in the business cycle. Thus the 'Asian' economic models tend to be unsustainable in themselves - because clearly not all countries can simultaneously run the current account surpluses they require. The demand deficit that has been built into the export-driven growth strategies of major East Asian economies has been counter-balanced for years by a demand surplus (savings deficit) elsewhere - mainly in the US. The latter has been funded by a capital inflow as:
In Japan's case it is clear that the intent has been to boost the availability of cheap capital in the US (and in other capital importing economies), because the structure of Japan's monetary / financial system apparently restrains any boost to Japan's domestic demand from creating credit at very low interest rates.
The rapid creation of credit in the US (and elsewhere) that has underpinned economic growth for decades has been possible without triggering inflation (that would normally have been expected) because producers have lacked pricing power in the face of cheap imports (especially from / through China in recent years). As noted above, this constraint on inflation may have contributed to reserve banks setting interest rates that were so low that a housing bubble developed. Financial imbalances have resulted in the build up of large US foreign debts - and of questions about the continued value of the $US and its status as the world's reserve currency. The US Fed, government and financial markets have ignored such concerns because investors had no real alternative to sending their surplus capital to the US (either directly or through others). The US had the only financial market able to use large amounts of investments profitably - a traditional perception that is now less certain. It is possible that the demand deficit in countries (especially Japan and China) that have pursued export-driven economic strategies has contributed to the credit-market dislocation that has now occurred - because, given a shortage of options for investment to meet consumer demand, more dubious destinations had to be found for the savings 'glut'. It is noteworthy that an historically unprecedented boom in US property prices (which now seems to have some features of a bubble) began in 1997 [1] after economies hurt by the Asian financial crisis were encouraged (eg by the IMF) to join Japan and China in maintaining large foreign exchange reserves as a buffer to protect their weak financial systems (not just as a means for managing exchange rates). This (together with the large capital flows associated with the Yen carry trade after about 2000 [1]) escalated the savings glut which US institutions had to find means of investing.
Efforts have been made (since the Asian financial crisis) to improve the financial performance of Asian banks and businesses (and thus reduce their export dependence). However claimed successes seem dubious - and it is possible that the books are often simply being 'cooked'. Various Chinese officials have speculated about the possibility of dumping the $US and putting up with the economic costs - because financial imbalances are said to be simply the consequence of the US living beyond its means. Such threats appear hollow because, despite efforts that have been made to normalize China's financial system and reduce its current account surplus, it still needs strong US demand to maintain a current account surplus to defend its bad-debt-burdened institutions and to continue rapid economic growth.
Without strong external demand to support China and its 'tributaries', China would probably become political unstable, and its autocratic regime would be likely to lose power because their 'legitimacy' seems to depend on sustaining strong growth. China's leadership appears determined to reduce its dependency on exporting goods and capital to the US [1], but may find it impossible to do so (eg because running a current account deficit would require China's financial institutions to have strong balance sheets (ie take investment profitability seriously, which would require a cultural revolution), and it's current account surplus could only be shifted to other countries with such institutions). Perhaps more
significant than Chinese threats and current financial
market instabilities is the possibility of unexpected withdrawal of Japanese capital - as
such withdrawal had a key role in triggering financial crises in 1987 and
1997 (see
Commentary on 'Liquidity Boom and
Looming Crisis'). Calls have
been recently made for increases in Japan's interest rates (from near zero) so
as to inhibit or reverse the 'carry trade' [1]
- which is a major component of funding current account deficits in US (and
Australia). Moreover:
The consequence of reversing the flow of capital (apart from strengthening the Yen and reducing Japan's industrial competitiveness) could be financial crises which had massive global economic impact (eg by making it impossible for US demand to drive global growth - while no other country is positioned to fill the gap) and lead to depression, political extremism and (possibly) major wars. However, as what could be at stake in the longer term could be the character of the global financial system and thus of the whole global order (see An Invisible Clash of Financial Systems), some pain might be seen to be justified. The goal which ultranationalist factions in Japan have apparently maintained of casting off Japan's 'merchant soul' (and replacing it with the 'soul of a samurai') should not be forgotten. Proposals have long been developing (led by Japan) for the creation of an Asian Monetary Fund (AMF) as an alternative to the profitability-oriented IMF which would operate under 'Asian values' (ie presumably a neo-Confucian preference for coordinating economic activity through relationships amongst a hierarchy of social elites, rather than by the financial profitability of independent enterprises). Speculations about diversification of foreign exchange holdings to the Euro have little credibility, as the the capital surpluses which various European countries have acquired through persistent current account surpluses have caused European financial institutions to be badly affected by the US sub-prime crisis, while Europe's inability to neutralize capital surpluses through commercial investment in the US because of the credit freeze has led to a damaging appreciation of the Euro (see below) Global financial imbalances are finally starting to get some attention. The Bank of International Settlements has been issuing dire threats about possible disaster for some time [1]. The International Monetary Fund has been convening meetings by reserve banks and others to discuss this [eg 1]. Robert Zoellick, as new World Bank head, is advocating the development of deeper bond markets in Asia [1] so that (a) there is less need for Asian savers to invest in US etc (b) capital is more readily available for local private firms ; and (c) there is less reliance on US demand to drive global growth. However, the latter runs into the cultural obstacles in East Asia to dealing with economic abstracts such as profitability, and the neo-Confucian preference for coordinating economic transactions through relationships amongst social elites. One analyst has suggested that the best solution to these imbalances is to allow markets to take their course so that US assets fall in value and households reduce their consumption and increase savings [1]. Another suggested that there could be benefits in US slowdown in terms of rebalancing the global economy which could not continue being driven by US growth - providing the associated recession does not go too far [1] As noted above there are limits to the ability of the US to resolve the problem (eg by monetary or fiscal stimulus) because this would tend to merely recreate conditions like those which gave rise to the crisis. It has thus been suggested that other countries (especially Germany, India and China) should thus provide a strong fiscal stimulus [1] - which they have apparently indicated an unwillingness to do [1]. This potential failure of economic management is further evidence of the vital importance of resolving those global financial imbalances. |
| Outlook |
In late 2007 uncertainty remained about about the effect of the credit crunch. Escalating Concerns One one hand there was concern that it could have unexpected and wide repercussions, and that financial dislocation not directly related to the sub-prime crisis might emerge. For example: United States
Europe / United
Kingdom
Asia
Elsewhere
Global Markets / Systems
But, on the other hand, others were more optimistic
And there is always a need for caution in study of any issue, because there will be many other things going on at the same time which it is easy to overlook. Focusing on a 'problem' or an 'opportunity' can lead to pessimism / optimism which proves unfounded because other significant events were ignored. Similarly there is a need for recognition that solutions developed to problems in part of a complex system will have unforeseeable implications elsewhere. This challenge became particularly difficult in early 2008 when there there was a clear distinction between the escalating problems associated with the 'paper' economy (especially that linked with developed economies) and sound prospects in the 'real' economy (especially that linked with emerging economies). There were, in fact, two 'economies' - one of which was trying to drag the other down, while the latter was trying to lift the former up (with the likely outcome being a bit of both). Decoupling: A New Urgency? There has been speculation for years about the extent to which China's growth might have 'decoupled' from dependence on conditions in the US, the world's largest economy - so that it would be able to able to act as an autonomous 'engine' of global growth. However, despite China's stability during the Asian financial crisis (when growth was maintained partly by high public spending) and attempts to reform financial institutions and to reduce dependence on exports to US (eg by boosting domestic demand and trade with other countries), the case for decoupling remained unconvincing. The possibility of 'decoupling' took on a new significance in 2007 when recession in the US due to financial problems appeared possible, and it was suggested (for example) that this would make little global difference because of the dynamic growth in Asia (especially in China and India) and also in other countries such as Brazil and Russia, and the possibility of a modest upsurge in Europe [1]. Similarly:
This would have significant implications, eg that:
By March 2008, the challenge of de-coupling had become far greater because of the spread of losses in the US financial system and the possible need for de-leveraging (ie giving top priority to reducing debts) [1]. This implies not only a long / deep US recession, but that borrowing / investment would be constrained - as would the US's willingness to absorb the surplus savings accumulated in China and other emerging economies. The de-coupling hypothesis has been disputed on the basis of the limited domestic demand and export dependence of economies such as China's [1]. Others suggest that:
In response it has been suggested that China will continue growing even if US exports weaken. Reasons suggested for this are: |