| Overview
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This document presents observations about the growth of underlying difficulties
in Queensland's state budget.
It builds on a fairly detailed coverage of, and commentary on,
the 2001-02 budget that was produced because it seemed
to contain weaknesses (eg funding difficulties and non-transparent presentation)
that had not attracted much public or political attention. This was then summarized and expanded
to include newly emerging issues related to the 2002-03
budget. Debates concerning the 2003-04 budget were then briefly outlined together with indicators of
underlying pressure for tax rises.
[[An outline of
issues arising from the 2004-05 budget was intended to include
information about events in 2003-04 which provided temporary funding benefits -
but remains incomplete ]].
Comments related to the 2005-06 budget suggested that a crisis
point was probably approaching despite the community's relaxed attitude to the
situation, while those related to the 2007-08 budget
referred to concerns about infrastructure backlogs, and rapidly increasing
capital spending. Comments on the 2009-10 budget were
more comprehensive, as it seemed that the 'chickens could be coming home to
roost' though the continued lack of transparency in the budget's presentation
made it hard to be sure what was going on.
The QCU Forum on Government Spending /
Revenue (April 2003) provided some useful additional perspectives on Queensland's
financial situation.
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2009-10 +
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ABOUT THE 2009-10 BUDGET (Working Draft)
Public Debates
Before it was presented
on 16/6/09, debate about
Queensland's 2009-10 budget focused on the large revenue losses that seemed likely
due to the global financial crisis (GFC), and on proposals to improve the
budget position by selling public assets and removing a petrol subsidy.
However many broader issues were raised in public debates both before and
after its presentation, such as:
- in relation to privatisation of public assets: whether / when this is desirable;
how to protect the public interest; whether / how much selling assets will improve public
finances; and the fees involved;
- the relationship between the budget and Queensland's economic outlook (eg
the GFC's impact on business investment / employment; the large increase in
fiscal deficits to reduce the economic downturn; Queensland's vulnerable economic
structure; economic impact of state taxes; the expectation of a shallow
recession and full recovery in 4 years; and the risk if everything does not go
according to plan);
- structural problems affecting Queensland's public finances (eg states' narrow
tax bases under the current federal financial system; rapidly increasing population
/ spending in recent years on services / catch-up infrastructure; loss of AAA credit rating; expectations
of ongoing deficits for years; and the pro-cyclical process for distributing GST
revenues);
- the effectiveness of public spending (eg possible wastage of boom-years
revenues; political interference in GOCs;
defective planning and emergency infrastructure development; and government
efforts to rectify some of those problems).
The latter debates are outlined below.
Outline of Pre and Post Budget Public Debate
Privatisation of Public Assets
In advocating privatisation of several assets, the state government noted
that: the global recession had seriously eroded its revenues; continued infrastructure
investment and restoration of its AAA credit rating were desirable; its investment
priorities (schools, hospitals, public transport and roads) were now different
to what they had been; sales should yield $15bn (and save a further $12bn investment)
while reducing income only $280m; and various precautions would be taken
to protect the public interest following such sales. Other observers noted:
the need to protect the public interest in privatisations; the high cost
of fees to advisers in arranging such sales; the likely difficulty in selling
assets for good prices under difficult circumstances; industry
concerns about details of particular arrangements; and that selling the most profitable
assets could be unwise. Unions and many ALP officials opposed the
sales on principle - but their concerns were rejected.
Details about financial details of the proposed asset sales appeared sparse and unconvincing.
Details
Queensland's premier
introduced proposals for privatisations as follows.
A plan exists to renew Queensland's finances and grow future investment. Global
recession has led to $14bn loss in expected revenue over 4 years (1/3 of annual
budget), and there has been $2bn decline in GST revenues. Government must
continue to build infrastructure for growing population, and wishes to restore AAA credit rating. Government priorities change (eg regional airports were once
developed, but now have been sold to private operators). There is a need to
consider what government should do in future. Strategic asset sales are proposed
to secure various functions without future public funding - to free government
for funding of public infrastructure like schools, hospitals, public transport
and roads. Renewing Queensland Plan involves sale over next 3-5 years of
Queensland Motorways Ltd; Port of Brisbane; Forest Plantations Queensland; QR's
coal business; and Abbott Point Coal Terminal. Sales should yield $15 and
eliminate the need for $12bn capital spending over next 5 years. Annual revenue
of $280m will be foregone, a 2% return. $12bn in avoided capital spending will
save $750m pa interest. Government has chosen to run short term deficits as
response to global recession. But in the long term tough structural changes are
needed to restore a recurrent budget surplus. Queensland does not get value from
$500m fuel subsidy scheme - so this will be ended [1]
In presenting its proposals the government further indicated that:
-
the proposed asset sales were expected to yield $15bn and save $12bn in further spending.
While $280m pa in revenues
would be lost, $750m pa in further interest costs would be avoided and state debt
would fall $15bn (Renewing
Queensland: Future investment Plan);
-
it was more important for government to improve public transport than provide
rail networks for the private sector [1];
-
tolls will be set by law to prevent price gouging after sale of Queensland
Motorways [1]
- community will have continued access to forests despite government plan to
sell off its forestry business. At one time it made sense for government to
start a forestry industry - but no longer [1]
Other observers elaborated and / or expressed support for, or concern about,
the proposals.
- government has to sell existing assets to fund an unprecedented
infrastructure program. [1];
- 'Renewing Qld plan' will see sale of $15bn in assets and saving of $12bn in
future capital - Queensland motorways, QR's coal and freight arms, Port of
Brisbane, Forest Plantations Queensland, Abbott Point Coal terminal. [1]
- privatisation for the wrong reasons, or badly managed, can be against the
public interest. What assets are appropriate for privatisation? Many businesses
are now well run privately when they used to be government owned. For all
its problems Telstra has become a great Australian company. Australia pioneered
the privatisation of airports - and this has been successful because of
well-constructed legislation. Privatisation lifted the financial, political and
administrative burden from government without sacrificing airports' economic /
lifestyle contribution. Such sales have improved funding for
Queensland's hospitals. The challenge facing government is to make sure that the
correct checks and balances are in place to ensure that core services are not
sacrificed to the gods of foreign private capital [1]
- the GFC has been blamed for the proposed privatization of Queensland assets.
However privatising of just the profitable bits of Queensland is foolish as this
has long subsidised the unprofitable passenger services, Cross subsidies
within infrastructure is the only option for public services to Queensland's dispersed
population [1]
- approx $200m in fees are likely to be paid to advisers who arrange sale of
government assets [1];
- Sale of Forestry Plantations Queensland is
expected to yield $500m. [1]
- higher road tolls, higher prices and the
millions to be paid to financial advisers will be ongoing problems [1]
- there was uncertainty within timber industry about the implications of sale of Queensland
Plantations [1];
- mining industry believes that sale of rail haulage business and Abbott Point
Coal Loader is fine in theory - but wants assurance that upgrades of these
systems will not be put on the back burner [1].
Mining industry was assured that its interests would be considered in asset
sales [1];
-
state government will be selling assets at a bad time - as many
infrastructure assets are being sold worldwide and there is a shortage of
capital - creating a buyers market [1]
- selling off state assets is a brave and commendable move - but may come at an
unfortunate time in the business cycle so prices may be limited. Other state
governments seem to be headed towards similar auctions [1].
In Europe port and rail assets have been offered for sale for months, and in
Australia private infrastructure assets have also been for sale. But there is a
shortage of buyers [1]
- government will struggle to get $15bn for assets (QM $3bn, Port of Brisbane
$3.5bn; FPQ $500m; QR's coal freight $7bn; Abbott point $1.9bn) because of GFC [1].
- Queensland's $7bn coal freight network and 2 Brisbane toll-roads are likely
to be attractive to investors, but Port of Brisbane, Abbott Point Coal terminal
and Forestry Plantations could struggle to find buyers. Gains: Motorways ($3bn +
1bn debt reduction); Port of Brisbane ($3.5bn +$900m); Plantations ($500m +
$100m); Coal network $7bn + 7bn); Abbott Point ((1.9+3.5) [1]
- Brisbane toll roads (whose value is put at $4bn) might be easiest assets to
sell because of their business model. There are about $20bn of other
infrastructure assets on the market in Australia. QIC, Canadian Pension Plans
and industry funds top the list of likely buyers [1]
There was vocal opposition to the proposal, mainly from within the
ALP and union movement.
- ALP rules say that party was established for democratic socialization of
industry. ALP 2008 specifically rejected privatisation of public hospitals,
schools public enterprises or utilities (especially rail, ports, public
hospitals, electricity and water [1]
;
- ALP president (Andrew Dettmer) suggested that short term solutions would create long
term problems (eg giving mining companies complete control of regional
economies) ACTU president (Sharan Burrow) suggested that rail
privatisation was never successful. [1];
- Queensland Council of Unions argued that privatization (eg of Commonwealth Bank
and Telstra) had cost community.[1]
Moreover general opposition was expressed by: Rail Train and Bus Union secretary (Owen Doogan)
Maritime Union spokesman (Mick Carr) [1]; QCU secretary
(Ron Monoghan) [1]
In response to such criticism, the government reportedly said that the sell-off
was a done deal [1]
Information / speculation about the financial status of
various assets proposed for sale was available, but neither comprehensive nor
convincing.
- Queensland Motorways profit before tax, depreciation and interest was $110m - so
a $3bn valuation would be 30 times earnings. Those prices are based on boom times data
- but listed infrastructure assets have fallen 50% since then [1];
- Forestry Plantations Queensland's 2007-08 annual report revealed: sales $93.8m; $29.6 trading surplus; $13.4m dividend to
Treasury; and ;
capital investments $25.6m. The operating surplus (including increased value of
plantations) $85.5m [1].
An examination of FPQ's
annual report revealed very 'interesting' (but apparently standard)
accounting practices (p29-30), ie (a) 'income' included assessed revaluation
of growing plantations and (b) the results of trading operating (ie sales of
timber) were not mentioned as income but simply recorded in a cash flow
statement;
- Queensland Rail's annual report for 2007-08 suggested revenue of $3.5bn and EBITDA of
$1.1bn [1];
- Macquarie Infrastructure sold its M7 stake for 24 times earnings before interest,
taxes, depreciation and amortization - which suggests that Queensland's
Motorways EBITDA of $27m would result in valuation of only $652m [1]
- QR's coal assets will yield $7bn and save $7bn in future spending.
However QR Coal returned hundreds of millions to budget [1]
- Port
of Brisbane (that returned $72m dividend to state government) could be sold for
$4.4bn and save $900m further investment over 4 years. [1]
Other Pre-Budget Expectations In relation to the budget
and Queensland's financial position generally observers noted in the lead up
to the budget delivery that:
- the state's deficits appear structural, rather than merely cyclical. Government spending
has been growing much faster than revenues. The public service has grown very
rapidly (and was concerned about possible cuts). Borrowing costs will rise
because of loss of AAA credit rating;
- economic growth is well down on expectations. Government would not comply
with the desire of rating agencies for large spending cuts and tax rises -
because of adverse economic impacts;
- business wants: high infrastructure spending to keep unemployment low; a
plan for fiscal recovery; payroll-tax relief; reduced red-tape; and investment
to be maintained in area where assets were to be sold;
- ominously there was no 'good news' prior to budget release. Business and the
community faced higher costs;
- government was acting contrary to core ALP principles in selling assets.
Asset sales focused on those with business customers. More assets might be
sold in future;
- state is looking to reform of federal financial system to boost revenues.
Details
- Queenslanders face substantial increases in living costs (ie electricity 36%; rates 18%; gas 40%). Including the effect of eliminating fuel
subsidy, families might face increased costs of $1000 pa [1]
- Queensland's premier defied Labor orthodoxy by proposing the sale of state assets
(hoping thereby to recover from the loss of the state's AAA credit rating) in preference to
curtailing big-spending public works program (eg for hospitals, passenger rail
systems, regional roads and social housing) [1]
-
motorists will face $300 pa increase in fuel costs [1]
;
-
government has focussed on selling assets that service commercial clients
- except for Queensland Motorways whose tolls are tightly regulated [1].
Other state assets that could be sold later include: printing, car fleet management
and IT businesses [1];
- these privatisations
could be followed by more - including some of six big remaining ports [1]
- the numbers in Queensland's public service have grown significantly over the
past 5 years - (ie a 20% increase in the proportion of workers in public
administration) and rumours are rife about culls in the numbers of temporary /
contract positions [1];
- unions are concerned that up to 25% of public servants in temporary
positions could be at risk as government seeks $280m savings [1]
- Government may trim contributions to public servants' superannuation in
another cost cutting measure [1]
- in lead up to state budget there have been no 'good news' leaks - which is
ominous. By 2011-12 total state debt is likely to reach $74bn (less proceeds of
possible asset sales) - and a $1bn pa deficit is expected in coming years. There is nothing wrong with deficits incurred in making productive investments
- but structural deficits are undesirable. Queensland's spending growth (10%
last year) has far outstripped revenue growth (1% last year). Without drastic
action on cost side, recurrent expenses will continue to exceed revenues - and
this shortfall should not be met by selling assets. Cuts must be made in
spending - given that tax increases have been ruled out [1]
- Queensland treasurer has called for reform of Australia's tax system
through Henry tax review because of the inherent weakness of states' narrow
tax bases [1];
- according to treasurer there will be little good news for community in
budget and government does not intend doing what rating agencies want (ie
massively increase taxes and cut the building programs) because this would
be economically disastrous [1]
- Queensland's economic growth in 2008-09 is 0.5%, well below the 5.1% in
2007-08 and the 4.5% originally forecast for the current year [1]
- Business doesn't expect handouts from government but wants to see plan
to restore AA credit rating, and give priority to economic / job growth so
that business can defend markets / workforces. Payroll tax relief is a
priority. CCIQ (Beatrice Booth) wants smaller, more flexible, efficient and
skilled public service. Compliance costs need to be reduced. QRC
(Michael Roche) is concerned that criteria for asset sales is a reduction in
governments infrastructure spending - as there is a need to ensure ongoing
focus on upgrading rail lines and ports. Increased changes must also be used
to streamline and increase efficiency. Macarthur Coal (Nicole Hollows) is
concerned that asset sell of might replicate problems like those at
Dalrymple Bay. ANZ (Russel Shields) emphasised the need to fund
infrastructure spend and keep unemployment low. BOQ (David Liddy) called for
tax-breaks and incentives for SMEs in order to promote economic recovery.
Hutchinson Builders (Scott Hutchinson) expressed satisfaction with existing
levels of spending [1]
- Queensland faces problems because of loss of AAA credit rating. It will
make semi-government borrowing more costly. Returning to that rating will
take years. When revenues like those in 2007/08 will resume is unknown.
Despite this, a large capital works program will be committed to boost
growth. Business concerns that government will delay some projects appear
realistic. Premier says downturn has forced state to divest assets it should
have sold (as Victoria did) years ago. [1]
Fiscal Issues
In relation to the budget various observers drew attention to: confirmation
of asset sales and elimination of petrol subsidy; new grants for first home
owners; the temporary boost from federal stimulus spending; the need to
reconsider the role of government because of increased demands for government
services; high levels of infrastructure spending; increasing debts (mainly due
to infrastructure spending because GFC has only limited impact) though totals
would remain low by international standards; rapid past turn-around from large
surpluses to deficits; expected deficits for 8 years; failure to mention
worrying debt / GSP ratio; difficulties in recovering AAA credit rating; very
rapid growth in past spending (rather than GFC) as the main cause of credit
rating downgrade; continued low GST revenues due to high past revenues;
government's search for federal guarantees of its debts; Treasurer's push for
changes to federal financial arrangements; constraints
on public service pay rises and on overall public spending; doubts that
infrastructure cost increases could be blamed on rising construction costs; and the risk that
conditions might deteriorate more than expected.
Details
- budget will be in deficit for 8 years. $18bn will be spent on
infrastructure in 2009-10. Current deficit will be $574m rising to $4.1bn in
2011/12. Cuts to petrol subsidy and asset sales proceeded. Public service
cuts did not. Grants will be given to first home buyers. [1];
- Treasurer emphasises government infrastructure spending. But there has been a
need to reconsider the role of government generally (and privatise some
functions) in view of increased pressure on government to provide services [1].
- borrowings will rise from $57.7bn in 2009-10 to $85,5bn by 2012-13.
$18bn on capital works will fall to $10bn in 2012-13 because peak spending
(water grid and new hospitals) will phase down [1]
- GFC showed that Queensland's finances were built on loose sand. Ongoing
deficits are expected. However the problem is not loss of revenue due to GFC -
as 2009-10 revenues will be $37.2 bn (up from $35.9bn last year - with some help
from federal stimulus). The problem is increased spending. At start of decade
this grew 3% pa - but this increased to 12% pa eventually. General government
sector will go into net debt in 2011-2012, while non-financial sector net debt
will increase from $14bn in 2008-09 to $51bn in 2012-13. This led to downgrade
of state credit rating. [1]
- Queensland has to rely on success of asset sales to reclaim credit
rating lost when large long term budget deficits were announced last year.
Standard and Poors indicated that nothing about budget suggested upgrading
to AAA. Asset sales could reduce debt levels to 120% of revenue by 2013 -
above the 100-110% level needed for rating to be re-assessed. Queensland
faces $3.3bn pa fall in mining and property revenues [1]
- public service pay rises will be limited to 2.5% pa [1]
- staff expenses are rising much
faster than 2.5% nominal wage cap. [1]
- Treasurer is proposing to cap government spending growth at 4.75% (down
from 14.3% two years ago) [1];
- Budget
did not mention debt / GSP ratio. [1]
- Opposition has criticised increased debt involved in Queensland's budget -
though this will be partly offset by asset sales [1]
;
- interest on general government borrowing would be 2.38% of general government
revenue in 2009-10 rising to 5.69% in 2012-13. Including GOC the figures become
6.48% and 10% respectively [1]
- in all states net debt will rise from 3% of GDP to 12% by 2012-13 (about
1/3 due to GFC). These levels are low by international standards. Most debts
will be covered by increased charges by GTEs [1];
- over 15 years ago a Treasurer noted that Queensland had no net debt (ie that
financial assets exceeded liabilities. Now there is a $17.8bn excess, though
this will now change (ie net debt will be $5.9bn in 2012-13). In 2008-09
borrowings are $44bn, but they will reach $85bn - though this should be reduced
by asset sell-off and the $12 that won't need to be spent. The interest bill on
borrowings next year will be $887m (ie 2.3% of revenue) - though this will be
more than offset by income on investments. Even in 2012 interest will be only
5.6% of revenue - which will be very manageable. Queensland's danger is
that conditions might deteriorate more than expected. [1]
- Queensland goes from $4bn headline surplus to $4bn deficit in 8 years.
GST revenue is based on past state revenues - so Queensland will still
receive boom time (ie small) allocation though revenues have fallen.
Treasurer argues that state's tax base is too narrow. [1]
- states are going into debts because of heavy infrastructure spending,
not (as they claim) because of GFC. Queensland will lose $15bn revenue -
only about 1/3 of $41bn increase in net debt to 2012-13. This investment
reflects past under-investment and it is mere luck that it corresponded with
recession. [1]
- Queensland will apply for Commonwealth guarantee of its debts. [1]
- Royalty revenues will fall from $3.4bn in 2009-09 (achieved after a surprise
increase in rates) to $1.8bn in 2009-10 - a fall of 47% [1]
- Queensland's revenues are adversely affected by downturn in coal royalties
and property taxes. GST revenue is falling because the total pool is reduced,
and Queensland's share is cut because of the past strength of mining and property
revenues. Budget expresses concern that processes do not provide Queensland with
revenues needed by its rapid population growth [1];
- RACQ suggests that scrapping
of fuel subsidy forces motorists to pay for lack of foresight [1];
- the position is currently improved by effect of Rudd
Government's stimulus program and less-than-expected capital works bill -
but this is only temporary. [1];
- a quantity surveyor suggested that government's claim that $17bn
blow-out in its 20 year infrastructure program could be blamed on rising
costs appeared suspect, as costs were actually falling. Increasing the scope
of projects was seen as a more likely explanation [1]
Economic Issues
In relation to Queensland's economy observers suggested that: Queensland has
suffered more than other states, and has only its economic structure and
financial arrangements to blame; unemployment will
rise; mining / property booms have ended; business investment could fall 25%;
and business has concerns (eg with higher costs which can't be passed on;
and lack of payroll tax relief / strategy for fiscal recovery). However on a
positive note it was suggested that: the budget deficits would result in less
economic contraction and unemployment; Queensland's performance (despite
setbacks) should still be better than others; and the worst may be over in 4 years with
strong growth resuming in 2011-12.
Details
- Queensland has replaced NSW as state most likely to drag Australia into
a long recession. Its budget position is worst and citizens face biggest
fall in living standards (and doubling of unemployment). Queensland faced
budget turnaround over 4 years of $14bn, while NSW only faced $5bn.
Queensland has itself to blame because of economic reliance on mining
royalties, an overheated property market and cross-subsidies to keep its
budget in the black. Infrastructure spending was committed that could not be
stopped. How much Queensland's folly costs Australia depends on how long
recession lasts [1];
- unemployment will peak at 7.25% in 2010-11. Business investment is
expected to fall 25%. Economy is expected to shrink 0.25% over next 12
months, before growing 2.75% in 2010-11 [1];
- Queensland continues to show rapid population growth (1800 per week of
which 1000 are international, 410 (and falling) are from interstate).
Budget papers suggest that worst of global economic crisis will be over in 4
years. Economic growth of 2.75% is expected to resume in 2010-11 and recover
fully (4.5% pa) by 2011-12 [1];
- Queensland's unemployment rate will rise drastically in next few years -
especially in construction industry [1];
- Queensland faces: end of mining / property booms; stalled private
investment; more jobless; increased government debt while government tries
to cut spending. [1];
- despite Queensland's budget difficulties, government rejected the notion that
Queensland had become economic basket case - as its economic performance still
exceeded national average [1]
- business is not happy with budget (despite positive view of infrastructure
spend) because of lack of payroll tax relief. BDO Kendells (Dennis Lin)
suggested that budget had no real plan to get books back into black. CCIQ (David
Goodwin) suggested that cost of business was rising, but could not be passed on.
It was of concern that spending would rise 7.4% in 2009-10 with wages up 9.1%,
State deficits will rise to $4.1bn and surpluses are not expected til 2016-17.
Grants to new home owners were seen as only a small aid to a sector facing
significant difficulties - by Paul Nash (Devine Queensland). NAB (Julian Pearce)
saw infrastructure spending as positioning Queensland businesses for recovery [1]
- business had been advised of budgetary problems and that the alternative to
budget deficits was larger scale unemployment and cutting back on infrastructure
that was seen to be essential [1]
- Queensland's economy will contract - but less than most other states
despite unwinding of mining boom and consequent sharp fall in business
investment (which also reflects vacancy rate and limited funding access
affecting property). Soft household consumption will be another constraint.
$18bn pa state capital works will offset retreat of private sector capital
investment. Exports will fall in 2009-10. Recovery is not forecast until
2010-11. [1]
- opposition warned of consequences of debt blow-out (from $64bn to 85bn) in
terms of increased costs of fuel, food, water and power. AIG
(Chris Rodwell) argued that business would face an extra $500m costs. [1]
Government Administration
Various observers suggested that past government administration had
been deficient, eg in relation to: ineffective use of (and lack of savings from)
massive revenues gained during boom years; political interference in operation
of GOCs; lack of planning resulting in emergency infrastructure development; and
limited use of PPPs. The Opposition suggested that asset sales were needed
because of many years of poor administration. Premier defended sales on the
basis that: government could no longer afford to make significant investments in
some infrastructure; and rating agencies had a perverse approach which unfairly
penalised governments with profitable GOCs.
However its was also suggested that Queensland, whose governments had long
under-funded essential infrastructure and which had not focussed on forward
planning, had tried to fix its dysfunctional infrastructure - as compared with
NSW (for example) which has yet to do so.
Details
- government faces problems in convincing people that it made the most of
revenues it gained over many years. Each year from 2003/04 actual revenues
exceeded estimates by $3bn. Over four years to 2007/07 revenues rose 65% (from
$19.9bn to $32.6bn). Though there were demands (eg effect of drought and
education / health needs) some could have been saved to avoid current problems
(according to QRC). [1]
- former Treasurer (Keith De Lacy) argues that 25 years of meddling by
successive governments has undermined the efficiency of GOCs whose
corporatisation he started. Political interference prevents effective operation
- yet government shareholders can't resist interfering. Ken Wiltshire also
argues that GOCs need to operate at arm's length. However ministers and
officials have often set policy and creamed off dividends arbitrarily. There has
been an enormous difference between the operations of GOCs and listed public
companies [1];
- Opposition criticised $16bn in asset sales and expected rise in debts to
$85bn - arguing that sell off of profitable assets will cover 11 years of
mismanagement, but yield very low prices. Queensland once had strongest
balance sheet in country - but now the worst. [1]
- Sale of assets will result in many Labor mates losing board positions [1]
- Paul Clauson (Infrastructure Aust Qld) suggests that lack of
planning was a problem - as with emergency development of water infrastructure.
Money might have been saved by putting projects such as Gateway duplication up
for PPPs [1]
- Comparing Queensland and NSW (which is in better financial position) is
complex as NSW has dysfunctional infrastructure - but has not attempted to fix
it as Queensland has (according to John Quiggin). [1]
- when Anna Bligh took over from Peter Beattie she believed state was too
reactionary, and needed to plan for new challenges. Essential services have always been under-funded in Queensland -
Australia's most decentralised state. Government maintained political support by
exploiting boom-time revenues. It borrow heavily for infrastructure to meet
demands of population growth - rather than end low-tax status or cut public
sector. Then recession hit. [1];
- Premier defended asset sales on the basis that: government could no
longer afford to keep making significant investments in such infrastructure
- so this option was best in terms of maintaining those assets and providing
for community's needs. Queensland had been penalised because (a) the debts
of GOCs had been on its books and (b) rating agencies adopted a perverse
approach and penalised governments when their GOCs were making profits [1]
Future Strategy
In relation to forward-looking strategy, it was suggested that: future
deficits reflect priority assigned to creating jobs; structural reform of
economy might be needed to regain AAA credit rating; budget reflects hope that
recession will be shallow and brief; there is little beyond catch up
infrastructure spending proposed; there are no contingency plans if situations
worsens; more GOCs may need to be sold; while useful steps have been taken there
is no certainty about the further reforms that are still needed.
Details
- Queensland will suffer $13bn in deficits over next 4 years - as budget has
given priority to jobs. Total government borrowing is expected to reach $85bn
over 4 years with interest 10% of revenue by 2012-13 (ignoring effect of asset
sales). Standard
and Poors indicated that AAA credit rating might be restored after 2013-14.
However structural reform of economy as well as asset sales might be needed
[1]
- NSW and Queensland budgets involve spending binge based on assumption
that recession will be shallow and brief. Depression era economics have been
used to justify massive spending rises. Queensland suffered a large revenue
meltdown ($15bn) but has realistic projections on return to surplus.
Privatisations may not be enough to restore AAA rating. Too much of Queensland's spending involves
catch-up and maintenance instead of productivity-enhancing investment. Other GOCs may need to be sold to keep debt under control. No state has credible
plan to repay debt if everything doesn't go as planned. Required savings
won't come from chipping away at public service - but will require more
privatisation [1]
- Government hopes unprecedented deficits will save state from economic
abyss. $18bn infrastructure spend will result in a decade of deficits.
Current year's deficit will be $574m (down from $1.6bn surplus estimated 4
months ago). Restoring Queensland's AAA credit rating will take 5-10 years.
Opposition leader said that government was addicted to debt and 'played us
for fools' by not revealing problems in March election [1]
- State revenues will be $37bn with spending of $39bn. Revenue loss over 4
years has been $15bn. Business investment will fall 17%. Treasurer has done
the smart thing by spending to counteract economic downturn (as governments
worldwide are doing). [1]
- Useful steps have been taken to restore fiscal position
(ie cutting fuel subsidy and privatising some assets). However there is
uncertainty about the commitment to reform - given governments jobs-not-cuts
policy agenda. [1]
CPDS' Comments
The present writer's earlier research had also suggested that budget difficulties that came to
a head in 2009-10 were largely symptoms of deeper long-developing problems
(see
Queensland's 2009-10 Budget
Stress: The Tip of an Iceberg?, 25/5/09).
The latter argued that:
- it was
unrealistic to try to debate the state budget without considering
uncertainties in the economic outlook;
- there had been
reasonable grounds for concern about structural problems in Queensland's public finances
before the most recent economic boom and bust;
- those
concerns had been compounded by ineffectual management of large-scale spending on
catch-up infrastructure; and
- assessing whether serious market failures exist should be the most important consideration in deciding whether
to privatise government owned corporations (GOCs).
Further conclusions have emerged from considering the 2009-10 budget and
debates.
Firstly there is a need for more transparency in presentation of data
about Queensland financial position. Current practices (though they may
nominally comply with current standards) make understanding of what is going on
virtually impossible.
For example:
-
as noted below it has seemed for years that 'balancing' Queensland's recent budgets required a good deal of
'creative accounting' (see Enron-itis;
About the 2003-04 Budget; and assertions by
Commerce Queensland [1]).
Though Queensland's reported operating result has deteriorated over the years,
the modest extent of this does not 'feel right' to the present writer, given
the huge increases in public capital spending that have occurred;
-
the budget is presented on an accrual
accounting basis. This is suitable for a business, but not for a
government. For example:
- it presents a 'balance sheet' which includes rapidly
rising values assigned to assets which have no real market (eg revaluation of roads
allowed its claimed 'net worth' to rise from $128.6bn to 149.8bn [1]
over the course of 2008-09 during which the government's credit rating was
downgraded); and
- assets are presented only in terms of their
financial worth (though such considerations are only part of the reasons for
government involvement in functions that typically reflect market failures);
- the core section of the budget [Section
3: Budget Performance and Outlook] is presented in highly
aggregated terms only for the 'Central Government Sector' (which, as noted
below) does not represent the government's overall fiscal position because
of the effect of its Financial and Non-Financial Corporations;
- information about the latter is elusive;
- aggregated data is available
separately and retrospectively for both Financial and for Non-financial
Corporations - and, though the latter categories are defined, the
organisations included are not listed [1];
- some information about Non-financial Corporations (ie
excluding the Queensland Investment Corporation) is provided in
Section 5 of Budget Strategy and Outlook including:
(a) what type of businesses they are involved in; (b) their combined
contributions to state revenue (through dividends and tax-equivalent
payments) of $1.1bn pa - which reflects a 4.7% return (thus implying that
they have a
total equity value to the state of $20-25bn); and (c) lists of various projects that might
be undertaken. However no balance sheet data is provided;
- an aggregated balance sheet for Non-financial Corporations is provided in
Section 10 of Budget Strategy and Outlook, together with an consolidated
balance sheet for the Non-financial Public Sector (ie excluding the Queensland
Investment Corporation). There is no explanation of this data, even though
(for example) the consolidated balance sheet showed a negative value for total
equity investments;
- GOC details might be obtained by
examining large numbers of separate reports - but somewhat peculiar accounting practices
seem to prevent easy understanding. For example, in the case of Forestry
Plantations Queensland (FPQ - which the government proposes to sell),
estimated increases in the value of growing forests are included as income
while timber sales are not - the latter (together with cost of sales) being
recorded only in cash flow statements. There is no clear picture of what
debt FPQ is carrying. [One observer suggested that the debts of GOCs are all
held by the Queensland Treasury Corporation and not by individual entities];
- the reasons for Queensland's loss of its AAA credit rating are not clearly
stated. For example:
- there was a fall in Queensland's net financial wealth of $13.1bn during
the course of 2008-09 [1]
which appeared to be attributable to a fall in the value of assets
(investments $1.9bn, equity $5.6bn) and an increase in liabilities (staff
super $2.3, borrowings 2.7). This raises (but doesn't answer) questions
about the extent to which the financial stress that arose during that year was
the result of losses on investments rather than simply the result of declining
revenues;
- one observer publicised the view that
Queensland's financial assets (investments and cash at hand) exceeded the
state's borrowings by $17.8 bn [1]. This
was correct (for the general government sector only) according the budget
papers [1] which shows net financial assets only becoming negative in 2011-2012. However
Queensland lost its AAA credit rating apparently because rating agencies
concluded that its net financial liabilities exceeded its annual revenue [1]. General government revenue is about
$37bn [1] and GOCs appeared to add a net $8bn
(approx) to consolidated revenues in 2007-08 [1]. This
implies a $45bn or so net deficit in Queensland's financial position. This is
compatible with the net financial liabilities of Queensland's general
government and non-financial corporations as recorded in
Section 10 of Budget Strategy and Outlook (apparently reflecting $13.8bn
net debt + $23.9bn superannuation liabilities + $11.6bn other current
liabilities + $3.7 bn negative equity - $3.7bn various receivables). But
what is going on is not clearly stated anywhere.
- asset sales are proposed apparently to
keep net financial liabilities down at about 130% of revenue [1].
However it is very difficult to work out the
financial implications of proposed asset sales. $15bn is apparently expected
to be realized from selling five assets, as well as savings of further
investment of $12bn over the next 4 years. The net revenue loss from doing
this is said to be $280m pa - which is about 2% of the sale price. As any
private purchaser would expect to get a return of about (say) 9%, this
implies that total revenues from those assets need would be something like
$1.35bn pa - and thus that those entities currently pay about $1.1bn pa in
interest (which in turn implies that they carry debts of about $20bn at the
(about) 5% rate that has been applicable to government bonds). However this
information does not appear to be readily available anywhere. The fact that
purchasers would apparently find themselves confronting a further $12bn in further
capital spending almost immediately (for which they would need to get a return
by (say) increasing charges by $1.1bn pa or discounting the purchase price by
$12bn) again suggests that there is something odd about the expectation that
$15bn might be obtained from the proposed sales.
While the writer hasn't studied the reports of all the proposed asset sales, the
obscurantism of the FPQ report and the state budget generally does not
encourage the view that enlightenment would be easily found;
As noted in the above examples there seems to be a particular need to
clarify:
- the capital accounts - especially those of GOCs;
- whether tactics such as those reportedly used by Greece (with connivance
by financial engineers) to conceal public debts [1]
may have been used;
- why Queensland lost its AAA credit rating (as there was a $13.1bn fall
in net financial wealth during 2008-09 which can't be explained by declining
revenues due to the GFC, and hasn't even been mentioned); and
- how much Queensland's net financial position can be improved by
privatising assets.
Second there appear to be grounds for concern about
conflicts of interest in
relation to current privatisation proposals.
Reasons for concern include:
- general problems in Queensland's system of government (see
Reform of Queensland Institutions - or a Rising Tide of Public Hypocrisy?);
- the possible conflicts of interest involving: political lobbyists; private
infrastructure promoters; and the QIC that were
suggested by the Airport Link
Project;
- the presentation to the state government of information about its dire
financial position by private financial entities who might profit from
particular types of solutions [1];
- the (about) $200m fees that could be paid to those who package the
assets for sale [1];
- the lack of clarity about the financial position
of the various assets which the government proposes to sell. The way in
which valuations have been reached, and the existing associated government
debts are unclear;
- the lack of clarity about the commercial value
of such assets;
- the possibility that QIC (holding public service superannuation funds)
might be a significant customer for some assets which government sold
[1]
- which could result in funds that are supposed to be invested for the
benefit of state superannuants might be mis-used to underwrite the
government's financial predicament.
For both the above reasons, the establishment of an independent capacity to
evaluate Queensland's financial position seems to be long overdue.
Third, the risk of significant market failures associated with the
proposed privatisations needs to be considered. This question, which can't be
addressed purely in fiscal terms, does not seem to have been considered worthy
of analysis.
This needs attention because there are examples of privatisations which have not been in the
public interest (eg consider
Dalrymple Bay Coal loader; difficulties in
developing telecommunications given monopoly infrastructure retained by
Telstra when it was privatised; disputes in relationship between privately
controlled Sydney Airport and airport users; large increases in electricity
prices associated with privatisation of Queensland's electricity assets). Moreover there were
environmental goals originally associated with government involvement in
forestry development that can't be dealt with by treating Forestry Plantations
Queensland simply as a 'business'.
Fourth, the expectation that large budget deficits should be incurred
to reduce the intensity of a presumably shallow and short term economic
contraction appears unwise. Though the
issues involved in
the GFC are extremely complex (and thus can't be comprehensively dealt with
here), it seems unlikely that the economic downturn will be of short duration or
ended by resumption of traditional patterns of growth.
The current economic strategy in the face of the GFC
seems to be: spend and hope.
However the GFC is unlikely to end quickly or painlessly because of the
poorly-understood
relationship between the financial crisis and the global financial imbalances
which have emerged in recent years.
In simple term those imbalances (reflected in current account deficits in the US (mainly),
and the accumulation of large foreign exchange by Japan, Germany, and
various emerging economies, most notably China) have arisen from the way in which
US monetary
policy was used to counter-balance the demand-deficits which have been a by-product of
export-driven economic strategies (see
Understanding East Asian Economic Models).
In many cases the growth prospects of emerging economies (including China
which has been important to Queensland's economic future) and also Japan
depend on ongoing export driven growth. If their growth were to be driven by
domestic demand, currency crises must emerge under Western-style financial
regimes which expect capital to be used profitably. This issue was
raised obliquely
by André Lara Resende (a prominent Brazilian economist and former central
banker).
However neither the US nor anyone else is positioned to provide the demand
for exports which emerging economies need to continue growing once their
accumulated foreign exchange reserves are depleted (in say 2-3 years) if their
growth has to be driven by domestic demand.
It appears that the US has not written off a great deal of the bad debts
in its banking system, as doing so would have led to a near-depression. As
toxic assets have remained on the books, the US's economy will be stagnant
for many years (as Japan's was in the 1990s) while new income is used to
settle old debts. Europe's predicament seems similar to the US in terms of
unresolved bad debts.
Thus, while deficit spending to reduce the impact of the economic downturn
gives the appearance of solving the economic problem in the short-term, it is
unlikely to be enough in the medium to longer term.
The risk of an economic shock to Queensland is further compounded by the
dependence which economic growth has acquired on rapid population increase. If high
unemployment, high costs and high taxes adversely affect immigration flows, this
could further weaken economic demand.
Serious efforts to boost the supply side of Queensland's economy are needed
(to grow out of recession), rather than accumulation of huge debts (and hoping
that these will be dealt with by resumption of growth similar to that in the
past) as such debts will simply constrain future growth and enforce ongoing sale
of public assets. Methods whereby the supply side might be strengthened are
suggested in
A Case for Innovative
Economic Leadership - with an initial focus on capabilities
relevant (for example) to: (a) agribusiness; (b) minerals and energy; (c) growth
oriented SMEs; and (d) larger regional economies.
An expert / practitioner panel to provide advice to business and community leaders about the
economic outlook and enterprising options for enhancing economic systems (as well as raw material for political debate) appears highly
desirable.
Fifth there is undoubtedly a need for reform of Australia's tax
system so that
states are not left with a narrow vulnerable tax base (see
Vertical Fiscal Imbalance).
However there is also a need for this so that state political leaders are given financial
incentives to take economic development more seriously (see
Economic Development
Incentives).Finally there is a desperate need for better
support to the community's elected representative from a professional Public
Service.
Professionals are more likely to generate
practical action to address infrastructure needs than are the cronies and
'yes men' whose dominance has been promoted since the early 1990s to ensure
unquestioning political compliance.
Proposals for reform were referred to
in
Queensland's 2009-10 Budget
Stress: The Tip of an Iceberg?.
Given a truly professional Public Service the
size, cost and complexity of the public sector could probably be reduced (eg by
boosting demand and creating a market framework for private initiative in cases
where market gaps are perceived which would currently be filled by growth of
government services; and by development of independent institutions for dealing
with emerging social, economic and environmental demands in ways that inhibit
the emergence of 'red tape').
The corporatisation model (instituted by the Goss
Government for 'semi' government' functions) was always an unworkable compromise
(op cit) - as also is the public
private partnership concept in many cases. The public and private sectors
need to be distinct - in order to reduce the
growth of crony capitalism as much as
anything else. The latter is a serious risk for Queensland because of its
'state corporatist' /
'agrarian socialist' history (under which a supposedly 'private' sector
seeks to be seen as an agent / extension of the state). |
|
2007-08 |
ABOUT THE 2007-08 BUDGET Attention in relation to
the 2007-08 budget focussed on the very large commitment to infrastructure
spending to overcome backlogs, and to deal with the challenge of rapid population
increase through interstate migrations.
The present author's email to a journalist noted that infrastructure neglect
in Queensland is not solely due to Beattie Government, and responded to other
comments about 2007-08 state budget (see
'Neglect catches up with
Beattie' - 'Sunshine dims as borrowing goes up') |
| 2005-06 |
About the 2005-06
Budget
Significant published assessments of Queensland's 2005-06 budget are outlined
in Public Finance notes from June
2005.
The budget was generally well received by business [1],
and viewed favourably by commentators (though with reservations).
The latter suggested, for example, that:
- Queensland's budget - recently in deficit - is now very strong because of
economic good luck. Gradual economic diversification will reduce future
revenue difficulties - though an economic shock in China could be a problem.
Growth at well above the national average will continue [1];
- this budget may be as good as it gets. Economic growth is based on a boom
in China and India. Changes by the Grants Commission could take Queensland's
hand away from the 'national cookie jar', while high levels of infrastructure
spending will make financial situation tighter [1];
- budget is economically responsible and fiscally generous. Social spending
showed a government with heart, while impact of population boom was coped
with. Funding for Smart State was based on desire to increase contribution to
economic growth from labour productivity. The budget indicated that revenue
will be tighter in future [1]
- budget is one of Queensland's best. Business will be happy with high
economic growth and surplus. Large infrastructure spending reveals long term
thinking and 'pump priming'. Regional spending is high. Support for R&D and
teachers will convince those skeptical of Smart State. A change to Grant's
Commission's formula - because of Queensland's rapid growth - could end the
financial party [1].
The budget was criticized by the
Opposition only on the basis of tax rates and reliance on Commonwealth
funding [1,
2,
3]. Commerce Queensland
criticized the budget for: having a surplus rather than spending more; not
spending on particular projects; and failure to further reform / reduce business
taxes [1].
Despite
its generally favourable reception Queensland's 2005-06 budget seems irresponsible, because:
-
a very high level of capital expenditure is proposed in the face of a
resource driven construction boom, which is already facing escalating costs
because of capacity constraints;
-
a level of recurrent spending is being established as normal on the basis of revenues
gained at what must be the peak
of an economic boom; and
-
Queensland does not seem to have a reliable administrative capability to use effectively the resources the
budget provides.
Capital spending
The budget's high level of capital spending was presented as a counterbalance
to a projected economic slowdown [1].
None-the-less the proposed rate of capital works spending seems irresponsible. The 2005-06
budget involved $8bn in state capital spending (a 30% increase, following a 20%
increase the year before) [1]. There are
already construction cost blowouts because of construction capacity constraints
[1], and the premier
indicated that a skills shortage was likely to lead to overheating [1],
Moreover spending proposals may not have been well considered. For example, proposals to upgrade specific infrastructure to meet future demands for coal
transport were described as 'irrational exuberance' and likely to be
sub-optimal by a major mining company [1].
Sustainability
Queensland's budget proposes recurrent spending of $25.7bn, a 6.8% increase
roughly in line with the 6.2% revenue growth in the previous year - though
overall revenue growth is projected to stall in 2005-06 [1]
Furthermore the budget also involved the start of a major borrowing program
to fund infrastructure [1].
Government trading enterprises face a projected $10bn deficit over the next 4
years [1], and the
government is 10% in deficit overall in 2005-06 according to Standard and Poors
[1]. Wage cost pressures are
likely due to low unemployment [1].
The overall budget outcome, moreover, is forecast to fall $2bn pa over the next
4 years [1] - mainly
because of infrastructure spending and tax cuts. One observer suggested that it
may become necessary to borrow for ordinary operations [1].
The premier pointed out that the future budget position will be much more
difficult due to the large infrastructure program [1].
When the Health System's Review produced concluded that there seemed to be
very large funding shortfalls affecting Queensland's health system (eg a
failure of funding to match population growth and a deficiency of 2000
doctors), the premier indicated that future budget surpluses would be devoted
to this [1].
Queensland has long faced underlying difficulties in its public finances
as outlined below.
Reasons for this include: above-average population growth which
counterbalances above-average economic growth; infrastructure
backlogs; past reliance on asset stripping and creative accounting to balance
the budget; uncertain return on financial assets in a financial market
reversal; an economic structure which assumes low taxes - and presses for
further tax cuts [1]; cost
pressures; under-funding of apparent spending obligations; and interstate
pressure to treat Queensland less generously in distributing federal funds.
These pressures have been offset recently (to an un-quantified extent) by
large revenue gains associated with property and commodity booms [1,
2,
3]. However those gains are
likely to be temporary and the high levels of recurrent spending that are being
committed will be difficult to unwind. Financial difficulties are likely when
the booms end [1,
2]. Queensland spent
revenue as it became available rather than building up a surplus during the boom [1].
Some reasons to suspect that
the current economic booms (and the revenue gains they generated) could be transitory are:
-
for more than a decade
demand in the global
economy has been highly dependent on a credit boom - for reasons outlined in
Structural
Incompatibility puts Global Growth at Risk. In
essence, a rapid rate of credit growth has been both caused (and
self-justified) by:
-
asset price
increases (initially in equities and later in real estate) as the foundation for
(a) consumer spending in the US (and also
in Australia) that considerably exceeds income,
and (b) export driven growth in Asia;
-
a huge expansion of
unprofitable investments in production capacity / infrastructure in
East Asia - which translates into losses in banking systems that can
only be protected so long as there is a large current account surplus.
-
this situation reflects a self-generating 'bubble' - though when (if?) the
associated financial imbalances that concern central bankers [1,
2] will cause
it to deflate / explode is uncertain. Ultimately the 'bubble' depends
on the US's ability to borrow, which must be approaching a limit [1];
-
Australia's commodity boom depends
heavily on demand from China, one of the principals in this 'bubble'.
Moreover:
- China also faces various other unexamined sources of potential economic dislocation - such
as domestic discontent and environmental stresses (see
China's Development: Assessing the Implications);
- there are signs of overcapacity due to over-investment. For example,
massive overcapacity, and a collapse in profits, have emerged in vehicle
production by investment on the assumption of continued 70% pa growth in
domestic demand which has not eventuated [1].
Capacity utilization in many industries, which have been developed with little
regard for market demand, seems to have fallen (eg to around 60%).
- the commodity boom is likely to end in 2 years - as other producers come
on stream. Australia has not chandelled the boom well because it has over
invested at the peak [1]
- there seem likely to be limits to what can be achieved by simply
continuing the economic reform process which has aided past growth [1]
- see also
Australia's Strategic Positioning: The Challenge to Leaders.
Queensland in particular faces serious unmet economic challenges (see
Queensland's Economic Strategy),
while efforts to diversify the economy through Smart State seem to be merely
a pretence to gain ill-informed political applause (see
Commentary on Smart State).
The suggestion by Queensland's Treasurer that conservative Treasury estimates
exaggerated the projected decline in Queensland's budget surplus over the next
few years [1] could be well
wide of the mark. Australia's Reserve Bank has however suggested that the
potential risks to global growth suggested above could be managed [1].
The claimed budget outcomes are uncertain, noting the inclusion of
earnings by the Queensland Investment Corporation in the budget bottom line though this can't be used in
consolidated revenue. Other examples of apparent creative accounting in Queensland's
recent history (see below) also cast doubt on the budget
figures.
Sustainability is also at risk because of
dubious Grants Commission
arrangements for horizontal equalization which (in effect) provide a subsidy to Queensland at the expense of
other major states because Queensland's economy is geared to activities that maximize
state taxes but are relatively unproductive (and thus weak in generating income
taxes and GST relative to the state's population and share of public spending).
Pressure for review of this arrangement continues [1].
The Treasurer's argument that Queensland only gets its population share of payments [1]
is not the point, because the problem is Queensland's limited contribution to
national tax receipts.
It has been suggested that Queensland needs a broader tax base to provide the
base for lower tax rates [1].
Administrative Capability
The effectiveness with which resources are used is as important as the
quantity of resources which are made available - and recent administrative
disasters in Queensland
(electricity network development,
health system,
child protection) combined with
indications that similar difficulties are pervasive do not lead to
certainty that money will be well spent [1,
2].
For example, social spending has reportedly risen 80% since 1998 [1]
- yet Queensland still had a fiasco in its health system (see
Intended Submission to Health System Royal
Commission).
There are indications that Queensland has serious social problems - see
Commentary on Is the Smart State a Just State.
The latter document also suggests that those problems can not be solved
by just throwing money at them - as this is likely to result in nothing but an
increase in publicly funded welfare services which increase dependency. However
the budget seems to have done just that [1].
|
| Underlying pressures |
UNDERLYING Pressure for
Increased State Taxation
Despite the rapid increases in public spending that has occurred, there are indications that the pressure for significant tax increases and new taxes are likely to become irresistible.
General indicators are:
On the other hand a reputable consultant's analysis has suggested (on an
unknown basis) that states are in a position where they could eliminate some
inefficient taxes (which would give a boost to growth) [1]
Offsetting these pressures will be temporary increases in stamp duties'
revenue (for as long as a property boom / bubble lasts).
The property boom (and profits on
equities held by state superannuation funds whose inclusion in the government's
operating result is problematical) provided the basis for bringing
Queensland's 2002-03 budget into surplus [1]
- and in turn the launching of a proposal for $1.4bn additional
borrowing for infrastructure as one basis of a 2004 state election campaign [1].
However the dependence of this which has grown will make its ending painful [1],
and a very substantial fall in state receipts from stamp duties is expected
in 2004-05 [1]
However neither the tax windfall nor the $1bn infrastructure package will
reduce the pressure for substantial tax rises in Queensland in future.
However it might prove impossible to overcome looming problems
in state financing no
matter what is done to try to increase state revenue.
Why?There are constraints (see below)
on Queensland's ability to increase revenue by raising taxes related to:
- the weakness of Queensland's tax base;
- the dependence of the industrial structure on low taxes (and rapid
population growth);
- the limited control states have over most of their revenues (which
amongst other things severely limits the amount that can be borrowed
for infrastructure without a significant rise in state tax rates); and
- the need for nationally and internationally competitive tax rates.
Moreover, there is pressure to reduce / eliminate existing taxes eg:
- there is an expectation that financially significant existing
state taxes would be removed as a result of the introduction of GST [1] -
especially stamp duties [1]
and payroll tax [1];
- the federal government presses states to cut taxes because they
receive GST revenues [1].
- the federal Opposition has expressed concern about the social
impacts of state reliance on gambling revenues [1];
- taxes on families have been decreasing in most OECD countries - but
increasing in Australia [1];
and
- it has been argued that Queensland is overcharging electricity consumers
(by not introducing retail competition) in order to be able to extract
special dividends from government-owned electricity utilities and to reduce
the need for borrowing [1].
And, tax rises may encounter political resistance unless there is
a perception that the money would be productively spent - and favourable
perceptions may not exist given the emergence of complaints
from many interest groups about performance.
Given that most state revenues are raised by Commonwealth taxes, one
logical place to look for an increase in state revenues is at
Commonwealth taxation and expenditures. However, even ignoring political
constraints, this may be no panacea - because:
- despite a surprise 2002-03 surplus [1] there are constraints and
increasing demands on federal revenues (see
Federal - state fiscal imbalances). Facing large demands for health, education, aged care, child care,
the Federal
government
had a budget surplus of few billion dollars - which is drop in the bucket given
the estimated $1bn
pa deficit in infrastructure investment in SE Queensland (alone) in transport (alone)
[1];
- the federal government has adopted a highly centralist stance -
which involves an apparent desire to reduce state roles (op cit);
-
likely changes in the pattern of economic growth would slow the
rapid growth of GST revenues which the federal government collects for
the states [1];
- other major states are seeking
a reduction in the
large subsidies their taxpayers have provided to Queensland due to its
weak tax base (under the horizontal
equalization principles the Grants Commission applies to Commonwealth payments
to states). The Prime Minister seemed informed about their case
[1],
and the Grants Commission itself apparently believes that its formulas
need to be rethought [1].
Also it seems to be in
Queensland's long term interests to phase out this subsidy. In early
2006, changes were made to Grants Commission formulas which reduced the
funding available to Queensland (and WA) [1,
2];
- factors which improve the state's own taxing capabilities (eg
mineral boom which increases royalties) are taken into account by
Grant's Commission and result in reduced shares of GST revenues [1]
In the medium term one way to provide states with revenue more in
accordance with their responsibilities and to provide an incentive for
serious economic strategies might involve restoring personal income
taxing powers to the states [see
1].
Another alternative which might be considered to restore the balance
between state revenues and expenditures might involve the imposition of
death duties which would (a) increase state revenue and (b) reduce
interstate migration and the pressure which this imposes on state
finances.
In the short-medium term a significant future deterioration in economic conditions is
possible which would seriously erode existing revenues (including those
collected on states' behalf by the Commonwealth), so even with tax rises increased revenue
is not assured -see
The
Potential for Economic Instability.
In the medium term, there are emerging
signs of a need for
further very difficult structural changes in Queensland's / Australia's
economy if strong growth is to be achieved.
|
| [2004-05 Budget] |
About the 2004-05 Budget
[NOT COMPLETE OR meaningful]
Significant published assessments of Queensland's 2004-05 budget are outlined
in Public Finance notes from June
2004.
Key points include:
- 2003-04 surplus is not as good as it seems because Queensland fully funds its superannuation commitments so
that gains and losses in QIC's investment portfolio show up in the budget
operating result [though they do not provide a cash source which government
can draw upon]. Past deficits were influenced by
poor investment returns [1].
Because of the distorting effect of returns on super funds these are likely
to be excluded in future [1].
- government appears to intend to borrow for industrial development projects
[1] which is probably
inappropriate - quite apart from poor policy basis for those programs;
- Queensland's population boom (principally in SEQ) both increases revenues
- and creates large increases in spending demands [1].
How this will balance out is anything but clear.
there is nothing outstanding as major contributions to improving arterial
roads - money is being spent but it has to cover a lot of territory
- Smart State Development Fund was announced in October 2003 - involving
borrowing of $1.4bn for infrastructure - $400m for City Train and the balance
for education, health and transport facilities [1].
A need to define what it would be used for has been suggested [1]
- rapid economic growth, which has been achieved from domestic consumption
and housing construction due to population inflow, is assumed to now have to
be maintained through exports [1]
- an assumption that seems most problematical (see
Difficult Trading
Environment)
-
What effect will capital spending have on budget when boom over - it will stimulate economy which
will generate revenues.
What is the actual need relative to booming population gains. Note classic naive local authority
The additional infrastructure spending will simply accelerate existing
capital works programs - and does not involve any additional initiatives to
deal with apparent infrastructure backlog in SEQ. It would merely prevent
the backlog from further increasing [1]
Building program prior to 2004 election was based on property tax windfall [1]
|
| 2003-04 Budget |
About the 2003-04 Budget
Significant published assessments of Queensland's 2003-04 budget are outlined
in Public Finance notes from June
2003.
Key points include:
- Queensland's 2002-03 budget was in deficit ($350m) for the third
successive year [1]
[CPDS Comment: It is possible that federal governments could
expect states to assume large additional funding responsibilities. For
example, difficulties that the federal government is experiencing in
funding tertiary education are being seen as requiring top-up funding by
the states which they can 'afford' because of the GST [1]]
- Queensland's budget outcome has been adversely affected by global
financial markets [1,
2],
because of the way gains in superannuation funds directly affect the bottom
line [1]
[CPDS Comment: in earlier years gains from the financial market
boom were relied up to support large increases in spending]
- the budget position has been improved by a property boom, and federal
grants [1,
2]
- revaluation of assets has been used to improve the budget bottom line [1,
2];
[CPDS Comment: many of those assets have no realizable cash
value]
- special dividend payments were sought from GOCs on the basis of their
revaluation reserves
- a practice whose legality the Auditor General has sought legal advice
about [1];
- a total of over $1bn has been obtained from GOCs as special dividends
over the past 4 years [1]
[CPDS Comment: Much greater amounts appeared to have been taken
over the preceding four years - see
Note 53]
- cash is being drawn from GOCs to support the state budget using
accounting tricks - and this undermines the purpose of corporatisation whose
goal was to shield government enterprises from such manipulation [1].
Such asset stripping was seen by the Treasurer as a way of preventing the
money from being mis-spent [1]
and improving accountability - though this practice will reduce future income
and can not continue indefinitely [1,
2]
[CPDS Comment: Entities that are subject to both user-pays
competition and political directives are very likely eventually to
present large financial losses to taxpayers (see
Note 76)]
- Queensland benefits from transfers at the expense of taxpayers in other
states because that is the way the Commonwealth Grants Commission works
[CPDS Comment: Queensland benefits from
horizontal equalization payments from the Commonwealth because it has
a weak tax base as a result of economic strategies that have encouraged
the growth of low productivity industries]
- Queensland's balance sheet is the strongest in Australia [1]
[CPDS Comment: Queensland's balance sheet is not the
soundest in Australia when account is taken of relatively low
non-financial assets - which also suggests chronic under-investment in such assets
- see QCU Forum on Government
Spending / Revenue
Furthermore a strong financial balance sheet is only really able to be
translated (by borrowing) into increased public capital spending
(assuming that it is not good practice to borrow for re-current spending)
- and there are serious constraints on re-current spending which might be
further adversely affected by the ongoing cost of supporting additional
capital assets].
- Queensland's financial position appears to be excellent - though there
are economic risks [1]
- It is not possible to seriously criticize Queensland's overall financial
position [1]
[CPDS Comment: There appear to be flaws in each of the reasons
given for this view [1]]
- new taxes are being considered [1,
2,
3]
[CPDS Comment: there is
limited scope for increasing state revenue through increased state
taxation]
- Queensland's forecast future surplus depends on a 7.5% return on equity
assets - which seems optimistic [1,
2]
- Industry groups generally praised the budget, because (a) financial
assets remained sound despite recent deficits (b) Smart State strategy is
enhancing the business environment and (c) Queensland's low tax status is valued
[1].
[CPDS Comments: Queensland suffers a major problem in that there
are few independent institutions able to provide competent economic or
public policy inputs to political debates (see
Queensland's
Weak Parliament).
Smart State is purely for political appearances -
as the main constraint on the growth of innovative enterprises is the
lack of commercial capabilities, and this is not aided by public funding
of education / training / R&D (see
Comment on
Smart State] or by government 'assistance'
services to firms. There are some indications that it is finally being
recognized internally that Smart State is merely a political slogan,
rather than a serious policy [1,
2].
Queensland's low tax status has been a significant factor in
encouraging the development of low productivity industries (see
Queensland's Economic Strategy), which has in turn created the weak tax
base which requires Queensland to dip into the pockets
of taxpayers in other states to fund services. It seems most
unlikely to be sustainable - see QCU Forum on Government
Spending / Revenue]
|
| 2002-03 Budget
|
About the 2002-03 Budget
In brief published assessments of
the Queensland's 2002 budget might be summarised as follows:
- the 2002 budget is socially responsible under difficult circumstances
- though it lacks initiatives relevant to business. In particular greater
infrastructure spending seems to be expected;
- regarding Queensland's $486m operating deficit in 2001-02 it is
variously suggested that:
- the real deficit is even greater, because losses by Government
Owned Corporations have not been included in the consolidated
government account;
- Queensland's operating deficits are not significant because of the
state's relatively sound net asset position. In fact the deficit is
largely the result of losses on financial assets;
- government should be far more willing to borrow to fund investment
- and there are many areas where increased spending is needed;
- budgeted revenue depends on projected economic growth - and observers
are unsure whether the growth estimate is over- or under-stated;
- large staff wage rises could undermine the budget.
Unfortunately published assessments of Queensland's 2002 budget appear to
be superficial, and to have overlooked related issues that suggest real
difficulties. In particular:
A. There are indications that Queensland's public accounts may have been
infected with a touch of 'Enron-itis' (ie misrepresentation of assets and
liabilities in the capital account). For example:
- the present state government has had a miraculous ability (which
its predecessors lacked) to find tens or hundreds of millions of
dollars to devote to each of numerous favoured projects with much
less apparent impact on the budget than might have been expected;
- current accounting standards (especially GFS practices) have
been claimed to allow governments to do the sorts of things
that Enron had to break the rules to achieve [1]
- the
assets of Government Owned Corporations were stripped - without
it being clear what was actually happening - noting that in recent
years a poorly-explained $2bn pa item called 'equity return' has
appeared (and disappeared) in the budget;
-
government borrowing has been
removed from the budget - by making this part of the
consolidated capital position of individual departments. Under an
accrual accounting system there is scope for manipulating the value
of assets (to offset liabilities) - especially where assets are
valued at estimated depreciated replacement cost;
- losses incurred by GOCs
have apparently been ignored in calculating the operating deficit in
the 2002 state budget - according to Opposition statements. [Moreover there is a huge risk in the longer
term of large losses by GOCs and other commercialized entities that
are subject to both political direction and to user-pays
competition];
- $220m was 'raided' from a fund set up to protect property
consumers [1];
- Earnings by Queensland's superannuation funds have been
consolidated with general public finance so as to make the operating
result look a lot better than it actually was during periods of
rapid share market growth, and now making the operating result look
worse (Madigan M 'Budget in confusion after super funds used as
prop', CM, 2/11/02)
- the Auditor
General is reportedly concerned [1]
about the need for more details of arrangements made with the
private sector. Note also:
- Queensland has a growing propensity
for 'buying' industry, and some
arrangements could be creating future liabilities that (under an
accrual budgeting system) should be included in the
annual operating accounts;
- a preliminary undertaking appeared to be given inadvertently
to provide a very large (say $2bn) subsidy
for establishing a PNG gas pipeline;
- the Auditor general has also expressed the view that some
departmental reporting to Parliament is inaccurate and misleading [1];
- the Auditor General has requested advice about Government
proposals to draw special dividend payments to itself from the asset
revaluation reserves of it electricity GOCs [1].
Such 'reserves' are purely a book entry and have a most uncertain
cash value;
- State governments, who provide insurance over state hospitals,
might face huge liabilities from the large
medical
damages awards that have bankrupted medical insurers;
-
the actual cost of the re-development of Suncorp
Stadium (estimated at $280m) was claimed (by a respected political
analyst) to be open-ended and hidden in a 'web of financial
fictions' (Fitzgerald R 'Political football now has a home ground', Courier
Mail,
30/4/02)
-
politicisation of the bureaucracy (which has easiest access to
information about any irregularities) has neutralized its ability to
act independently in the public interest;
- previous misuse of capital funds for re-current spending (now
identifiable as the 'Worldcom' syndrome) was
alleged in relation one member of Queensland's Government (personal
communication from a senior public service source);
- the previous Treasurer
unexpectedly retired from politics following internal reports from
his office of serious concerns about
Queensland's budgetary position
B. Published assessments of the 2002 budget have assessed it mechanically in terms of the quantity of
spending, while ignoring the quality of that spending (ie whether
it is likely to achieve desired and constructive outcomes).
C. Queensland faces growing financial difficulties and concerns about
ineffectual economic strategies and public administration (see
2001 Comments). In particular ......
D. It is proving difficult to meet expectations related to
infrastructure funding
In brief: Until a few years ago the Queensland Government had been
spending about $3bn pa on infrastructure. The present
Government increased this to $5bn pa - apparently mainly using money
stripped from the assets of Government Owned Corporations (by forcing them to increase
their debts in order to make an equity return to government - see
Note 53). In 2002-03
state infrastructure
spending has been reduced to about $3bn pa (presumably because asset stripping has become harder and
the budget position is very
tight). To compensate funding infrastructure through Private Public
Partnerships (PPPs) has been proposed - with reference to projects worth $2bn.
However PPPs appear to be of only marginal relevance (see
About Public Private
Partnerships). The basic point is that:
- the public sector remains the ultimate purchaser for most
infrastructure on behalf of the public no matter who initially
finances the project;
- increased infrastructure investment through user-charges could
be employed without using PPPs;
- anticipated cost savings through efficiency seem likely to be
lost in the complexity of contact management - because of the
character of public goods and services.
Thus Queensland could be thrown back onto looking for some
other means for financing a large quantum of spending on additional
infrastructure services. It should also be noted that business
observers (and some others) have claimed that Queensland's
annual infrastructure capital spending really needs to be much more than
$3bn (eg perhaps as much as $7bn PER ANNUM) to
catch up with backlogs created in the 1980s and 1990s and with
the effect of population growth - and to create an
attractive business environment. Queensland's large geographical
area and decentralized character also pose infrastructure challenges,
as it is hard to adequately fund both regional Queensland and the
rapid population growth in SE Queensland.
In the event that a significant increase in infrastructure
investment was seen to be needed, then existing
weaknesses in Queensland's
machinery for planning and delivery of infrastructure would
become an even more serious problem.
E. There is very limited scope to overcome
growing financial pressures merely by increasing tax rates (as has now
reportedly been suggested):
- Queensland has a relatively weak tax base because of the
under-development of its economy (see
About Review
of Grants Commission Arrangements);
- only a very small fraction of state revenues are determined by
state policy (see Note 81). Thus quite
large changes in state-determined taxes might be needed to achieve
a modest increase in overall income. [An aside: The main growth tax that the
states (indirectly) have access to is the GST, and proposals for an
increase in the GST even before it is fully bedded down might not be
well received by the public];
- Queensland's tax rates are not all that low relative to other
states, with Tasmania's rates reportedly lower overall and Victoria
adopting a highly
competitive tax regime. Furthermore some other services costs are
relatively high;
- periodic warnings (of unknown validity) have been given about the
risk of capital
flight from Australia if business taxes are raised; and
- Queensland's industrial structure has been built on the basis of
economic strategies in which 'low taxes' were one (though not the only)
critical feature. The state statistician showed the importance of
interstate migration to Queensland's economy [1]. Low taxes are a
factor in the industrial structure not only because of the direct
impact of business taxes, but also indirectly because rapid interstate
migration (which seemed to be triggered by removal of death duties and has
since been influenced by living costs lower than in Sydney and Melbourne) has
caused the demand for construction of housing and related
facilities to be a major driver
of economic growth (and thus of the current industrial structure) especially in SE Queensland.
However it can be noted that (a) Victoria reversed its population outflow,
and was seen to be enjoying the same sort of economic stimulus from
population inflow that Queensland has (see James C. 'Victoria
growing in stature', Financial Review, 17/7/02)
and (b) rising housing prices in Queensland have slowed interstate
migration [1]. Thus the economic
consequences of increasing taxes may not be trivial.
The implications of Queensland's very narrow and weak tax base can be
illustrated by considering the state's limited capacity
to borrow to fund infrastructure (despite its positive net assets). A
rough calculation suggested that if only a 10% increase in state-determined taxes
was considered politically tolerable, then the TOTAL amount which the
state might be able to increase its borrowings might be $7.5bn - which
will not go far if Queensland's capital infrastructure spending needs to
increase by several $bn PER ANNUM as some analysts
have suggested.
A further once-off pool of investment funds might be available if
it is feasible to redirect revenue that is now invested in capital works
towards debt repayment (eg a TOTAL amount of some $25bn might be invested
if about $1.5bn pa of revenue were to be redirected). However,
given the pressure on revenue, this option may no longer exist.
This amount available for investment could be increased to some
extent by application of direct user charges - which would take the
pressure off taxes.
Furthermore well designed investment could itself lead to an increase
in state taxes through expanding the state's tax base by:
- increasing economic output - both directly and through a multiplier
effect of investment on community income;
- increasing economic productivity though allowing the economy to
develop (ie undergo market-relevant qualitative changes) by providing
economic, social and environmental goods and services which can not be
provided through private investment. For example, economic
productivity is critically dependent on flexible change and there are
always new forms of economic infrastructure subject to market failures
which are needed to support new economic opportunities. Public
investments in social support to the disadvantaged can also raise
productivity by overcoming political resistance to economic change.
Similar effects can be achieved through appropriate environmental
investments in an era where those constraints are increasingly
important.
Strengthening Queensland's tax base by becoming serious about developing the state's
economy might also significantly increase government revenue potential overall (see
comments in About
Public Private Partnerships).
However because of Australia's
unbalanced federal financial system and the Commonwealth Grant's
Commission's horizontal equalization principles, most of the gains
from a stronger tax base in Queensland would be enjoyed by other states (see
About Review
of Grants Commission Arrangements). Moreover .....
F. Queensland's economic position is not trouble free, eg:
- Queensland's already-low average community incomes declined
further against national benchmarks in 2001-02 - despite the Smart
State push supposedly to develop higher value-added industries. This
is shown by the decline of Queensland's economic growth to the
national average while the state's population growth rate remained
much higher (see O'Dwyer and Mathewson below),
which means that Queensland's per capita economic growth was below
the national average.
- while a private investment surge is expected to boost
Queensland's economy:
- this 'investment surge' now increasingly features projects
that have been significantly subsidized by governments (see
Buying Industry);
- some major investments are energy-intensive with very large
greenhouse gas implications, and there are indications that
climatic change is an issue which is going to have to be taken
seriously (eg see article dated
27-3-02);
- mis-handling of the PNG
gas pipeline may have created a basis for
investor concerns about sovereign
risk
- there appears to be
growing competitive challenges to Queensland's economy - perhaps
requiring difficult structural changes.
G. Moreover other major states are apparently increasingly determined to
prevent their taxpayers having to
subsidize
Queensland - a subsidy which occurs
through interstate transfers of up to $2bn pa in Commonwealth revenues
under the Commonwealth Grants Commission 'horizontal fiscal equalization'
principles because Queensland's
Economic Strategies have created a poorly developed economy and a
weak tax base.
June 2002
Published Assessments 2002-03 - General
Government used windfall gain from stamp duties to fund new priority
infrastructure and prop up the bottom line for current budget. A $1bn
loss on QIC investments has been blamed for the $486m operating deficit
(with a $382m cash surplus). State's economic growth in 2001-02 fell to
national average of 3.75% for first time in a decade. Overall
infrastructure spending is to fall. Significantly increased funding is to
be provided to child welfare. There are no new taxes. Remedial action had
been taken mid-year to prevent large deficit when the share-market turned
down. Property industry complains of being used as cash cow. Queensland
Commerce suggests that there is little in the budget for business - and
complains about reduced infrastructure spending. Opposition pointed out
that government had omitted losses by GOCs from budget bottom line - and
that the real operating deficit was $883m. (Strutt S. 'Beattie's back to
basics budget', Financial Review, 19/5/02)
Government has taken a $1bn hit - but can still expand services and cut
business taxes because of the state's wealth inherited from the Bjelke
Peterson era. Financial sustainability is not an issue for Queensland.
The state will also benefit from an investment boom over the next year.
Recovery in US and Asia should see 4.5% growth. However there are clouds
on the horizon. The budget will barely be back in surplus this year - and
Queensland is close to being in net debt. (Mitchell A. 'Beattie is
cruising along', Financial Review, 19/6/02)
Standard and Poors gives Queensland a AAA rating despite its second
deficit in a row, because of its strong balance sheet and forecasts of an
improved position. Business criticised the budget for increasing social
spending while infrastructure drops (Strutt S. 'Queensland is still in
the black with agency', Financial Review, 20/6/02)
Pay rises for government workers could blow the budget - with only 3%
increase being allowed, and nurses demanding 9% (McKinnon M. 'Pay hurdle
the dark horse', CM, 19/6/02)
Opposition stated that Government had concealed large
losses in GOCs in budget. If these were
included, deficit was $883m and cash deficit was $200m. Net per-capita
worth of Queenslanders has been reduced 4.8% over the past 5 years. The
government is delivering rhetoric, not jobs. It spent too heavily on
public service over first 3 years, and now lacks the ability to do more
than keep up with population growth. Financial discipline, and decreases
in numbers of public servants is needed. (Jones C. '$200m deficit buried
by Labor', CM, 19/6/02)
The budget failed to deliver jobs or funding needed for hospitals and
police - according to the opposition. Financial mismanagement had left
government with little money for needed services. The deficit was much
larger than claimed, as GOC losses were being hidden. There are no new
job creating initiative, reduced capital works funding. The health system
threatens to give way under the pressure of so many patients. The $148m
program for child protection has come too late, and will not achieve full
benefits for 4 years (Odgers R. 'Horan tips bucket on Budget of deceit',
CM, 21/6/02)
State government has done a good job in difficult circumstances this
year. A $486m deficit would disappoint a government whose conservative
financial strategies require operating surpluses, restricted borrowings
and low debt. The deficit was not the result of abandoning fiscal
rectitude - but of zero return on superannuation portfolio managed by QIC.
Where some might say government has failed is in terms of capital
spending - with a bias towards services to families, health etc. But
infrastructure spending is down - despite rapid immigration and
consequent need for more services - because government is too shy about
borrowing. The budget resorts to relying on one-off increase in stamp
duty revenue and emphasis on PPPs - which have problems in leaving risks
with government if all does not go well. The reason for avoiding
borrowing is hard to fathom - as households and businesses do so.
Spending should increase on health, education, urban traffic congestion,
and high unemployment. (Stanford J. 'Step outside comfort zone', CM,
19/6/02)
Queensland's budget has been described as solid but with heart. However
its assumptions about future revenue growth are brave - and the more
brave those assumptions are the less solid the budget looks. Government
expects 4.25% growth - partly due to recovery by Japan - which most other
analysts are not convinced about and that $A will stay below US 60c.
Queensland's problem is where the revenue will come from. Its deficit was
$486 m. The days of raiding the profits of electricity generators are
over - as the dividend revenue source has been slashed. And costs are
continuing to rise. ('Budget's balancing act', CM, editorial,
19/6/02)
A $148m four-year increase will bring Queensland's spending on child
protection up to the national average - as the center-piece of the 2002
budget. Spending on health, education and police also increased - while
the state's financial position declined due to global economic slump.
Welfare groups welcomed the budget, while business groups doubted its
growth forecasts. The opposition suggested that the books were cooked by
concealing major losses by GOCs (including power companies). Capital
spending was cut from $5.1bn to $4.8bn (Franklin M. '$148m to save kids',
CM, 19/6/02)
$400m windfall from stamp duty and $150m from extra dividends did not
stop second annual deficit - due to collapse in QIC earnings. Deficit
could have been $1.1bn. Government rejected claims of prior QIC chairman
of interference - and rejected suggestion about privatizing QIC. (Emerson
S. 'Treasurer defends red result', A, 19/6/02)
Queensland has fully funded its superannuation liabilities (about
$11bn) and even long service leave - and has about $13bn in financial
assets as well. In fact the deficit is mainly due to the effect of market
downturn on its financial assets. Thus the budget deficit which is
projected to continue to 2005-06 (which would be bad news elsewhere) is
not significant (Wood A. 'On balance, deficits no cause for gloom in the
sunshine state', A, 19/6/02)
Economy
Queensland has had a population growth of 8.5% over the past 4 years -
the largest growth in Australia, compared with a national 6% rise - but
tough times have reduced 2001-02 economic growth to the national average
of 3.75% (O'Dwyer E. and Mathewson C. 'Queensland
the boom state', CM, 18/6/02)
Queensland's economy will grow 4.25% according to state government
estimates - providing $A does not appreciate too much - as this could
affect mineral and tourism exports. Commerce Queensland expects growth to
be lower - because of lack of incentives for business but ABN Amro Morgan
states that consensus growth forecast is 4.7%. Government expects that
major growth risks are $A strength, strength of trading partners, timing
of investments, inflation and possible drought (McKinnon M. and Anderson
F. 'Growth reliant on dollar value', CM, 19/6/02)
The budget assumes that $13bn investment will boost Queensland's
economy (including Comalco Aluminium and AMC Magnesium Plants). Exports
and tourism are also expected to pick up. Employment should rise 2.5% and
unemployment fall to 7.5% (Strutt S. 'Mackenroth banks on $13bn
investment surge', Financial Review, 19/6/02)
Economic growth is forecast at 4.25%. Strong investment growth and
export recovery are expected to underpin this (Strutt S. 'Qld to outstrip
nation's growth', Financial Review, 18/6/02)
Business has endorsed the State Government's robust economic forecasts
- but warned about the effect of volatility in global markets. Queensland
Commerce suggested that the budget was light on new initiatives to
stimulate investment. AIG suggested that budget balanced social
responsibility with maintaining financial strength. (Anderson F and
Sommerfield J. 'Business key to bullish growth', CM, 19/6/02)
Spending
Queensland will reach national spending levels on child protection in
four years (Wenham M. 'Child protection counts on honouring inquiry
pledges', CM, 19/6/02)
300 increase in police numbers and capital works are the center of
fight against crime (Odgers R. 'Cash puts more on the beat', CM,
19/6/02)
Government is to provide $4.2m for central coordination task-force for
PPPs in Department of State Development (Odgers R. and Anderson F. '$4.2m
breath of life for infrastructure policy', CM, 19/6/02)
After spending less on social services for many years, Queensland has
now achieved parity (Fraser A. 'Servicing social commitments', A,
19/6/02)
|
| Overview |
PUBLISHED ASSESSMENTS
- General: The budget contains weaknesses, but
these seem to attract little public interest
- Assets: Net assets are still positive -
but it is hard to balance Queensland's budget
- Deficit: There is uncertainty about
Queensland's budget outcome. Observers do not appear to take the
claimed figures at face value - but disagree amongst themselves as to
what the 'real' position is.
- Economic outcomes: Few seem
impressed about the economic and employment position
- Taxes: have given rise to complaints
CPDS COMMENTS
There is a lack of realism about the budget's ability to deliver on
its populist rhetoric. In particular:
- financial difficulties appear to
be further increasing;
- efforts to manage and diversify the state's
economy are amateurish;
- the Managing for Outcomes framework
within which the budget was prepared seems to have weaknesses in
dealing with core government functions because:
- such functions may have no outputs;
- intrinsic problems arise in defining and measuring some services;
- leadership can be more important than defining outputs;
- non-financial performance indicators (which can be more important)
are not addressed; and
- the complications of competitive service delivery have not been
resolved.
- poor policy advice and implementation support from a Public Service
subjected to intense 'political' manipulation means that what may seem
like good ideas on paper are unlikely to be
effective.
|
| Published Views |
PUBLISHED ASSESSMENTS 2001-02
General
"Few Treasurers would have been able to brush aside the figures revealing
that Queensland had a huge operating deficit. Lesser political performers
would certainly have been in deep water with the news that the state's
unacceptably high unemployment was forecast to stay at 8 percent despite
another bumper capital works program. But Mr Mackenroth's budget is being
called everything from socially responsible to boring" (Strutt S.
'Boiler-plated Mr Fixit does Beattie's biz', Financial Review,
22/6/01)
The budget shows few signs of fiscal discipline (according to a UBS
Warburg analyst). In 2000-01 there was a 16% ($1.8bn) increase in expenses
over the previous year. The budget has inappropriately emphasised services
delivery at the expense of infrastructure, according to another analyst.
Positive features seen in the budget include: focus on reducing unemployment
and up-skilling the workforce; public spending to upgrade IT (which appealed
to IT suppliers though they were concerned that there might not be much
spending with existing firms) and the $100m fund to support technology and
innovation (Anderson F and Brannelly L, 'Payroll tax change bolsters
government coffers', Courier Mail, 20/6/01)
Net Assets remain positive - but Queensland has
trouble balancing its budget
Queensland had a $474m cash surplus in 2000-01 but a $820 operating
deficit. Standard and Poor said that AAA rated governments (like
Queensland) were expected to produce operating surpluses. Queensland
seems to be getting to a position where it is struggling to balance its
budget. But, as the only state with net financial assets, it can afford
to do this for a while, and run down those assets. Comparing NSW,
Victoria and Queensland on ABS's GFS basis shows that Queensland's budget
position is the weakest at present. On a GFS fiscal basis Queensland will
have a $1.7bn deficit in 2000-01, reduced to $499 in 2001-02 and turning
positive in 2003-04. On a GFS cash basis Queensland will reduce a $474m
surplus to $253m in 2001-02 (Field N. 'Qld budget sins forgiven for a
while', Financial Review, 23-4/6/01)
Standard and Poor has warned by that Queensland's budget position is
weakening - noting its $820 operating deficit in 2000-01. However
Queensland's accounts were still the best in Australia. S&P noted that
Queensland was budgeting on a return to surpluses in 2002 following
several large recent projects (Franklin M. and Parnell S. 'State still
tops in the eyes of the world', Courier Mail, 21/6/01)
The Budget papers make Queensland's strong financial position clear -
and that this advantage is being frittered away. The $820m operating
deficit in 2000-01 is Queensland's first in a long time. Government said
that this was due to the HIH collapse - and a $400m reduction in income.
But government also had $481m in other revenues, and spent $590m which
were not in the budget. The 2000-01 budget placed the accrual- based
fiscal deficit for that year and the next 3 years at $2.5+bn. Those
projected deficits are now expected to exceed $5bn. If the $3bn deficit
in 2000-01 is ignored, then in the 3 years from 2001-02 the government
intends to increase the fiscal deficit by $1.3bn to $2.2bn. Even
Queensland can't afford this without endangering its low taxes (Harris T.
'Fiscal discipline is being frittered away', Financial Review,
20/6/01)
Deficits?
If the operating loss in 2000-01 of $820m is added to losses in capital
accounts than the real loss becomes $1.7bn - according to state
Opposition estimates. The Opposition also claimed that the budget was
deficient because payroll taxes have been increased (which are a tax on
jobs) at the same time that capital works spending has declined (and
spending was increasing on short run 'feel good' schemes). Queensland's
unemployment rate had increased by 2% over 2 years, while NSW and
Victoria had cut unemployment by 1.6% (Parnell S. and Yallamas L.,
'Budget is covering up losses', Courier Mail, 22/6/01)
The budget is not fiscally responsible. The
latter requires that the budget be balanced - on average over the full
economic cycle. It is not balanced despite a claimed $24m surplus because
this figure is padded out by asset sales - and, even if it were correct,
it would not be enough at a time in the economic cycle when the economy
is strong. The surplus figure includes only government departments and
not public enterprises. On a consolidated basis the operating deficit
would be $225m. The transfer of funds occurs when government gains
special dividend payments related to the sale of the Brisbane Market
Corporation and the lease of Dalrymple Bay Coal terminal. These are
treated just like ordinary revenue.(Robinson M. 'Essential to provide for
bad times', Courier Mail, 20/6/01)
Government is forced to rely on the sale of assets to prop up its
predicted $24m operating surplus (Strutt S. 'Hefty deficit, but strong
economy', Financial Review, 20/6/01)
Economic impact
The state budget will promise a 4% growth rate (0.75% faster than the
national average). But jobs growth will only be 2% not enough to make
much impact on the state's 9% unemployment. The budget will show that
business investment has fallen 14.5% (Franklin M. and Jones C., 'State
aims to regain the lead', Courier Mail, 19/6/01)
Business saw the budget as disappointing,
and lacking financial leadership. The Queensland Commerce view was that
business was thrown a few short term sweetners on the basis of the recent
economic downturn. Government's strategy is to rely on the next upswing,
rather than to introduce fundamental reforms of industrial relations and
state taxes. An economist suggested that capital spending is 6% less in
real terms than last year, and that $7.6bn in infrastructure spending is
needed. In the 1990s, the trend was to increase services at the expense
of infrastructure - which didn't make Queensland a competitive place to
do business. Property Council criticized low capital works spending, and
the concentration of 58% of this outside SE Queensland. More
infrastructure might be funded by selling government office buildings (MacDermott
K., 'Thumbs down from business', Financial Review, 20/6/01)
Smart State crusade was continued in
Queensland's 2001 budget. But the mining and agricultural industries
pointed out Queensland's dependence on them. The Mining Council said that
there was a danger of forgetting that the mining industry faces
competition from Indonesia and China. It was being seen as a milking-cow
with nothing being put back. Queensland now has fewer incentives to
attract mining exploration than other states, and has a 1700 backlog in
dealing with mining permits. Agforce identified a need for investment to
support beef (MacDermott K. 'Small change, say the producers',
Financial Review, 20/6/01)
If Queensland is the Smart State why has it the highest unemployment
rate in Australia? The Premier claims this is due to rapid interstate
migration - but this is unlikely to be the whole problem. Queensland's
rigid industrial relations system is quite 'unsmart' (Wood A. 'Smart
state doesn't have know-how to cut jobless', Australian, 20/6/01)
A principle objective of any government is
to create an economic environment that helps people keep their jobs. This
was reinforced when the Beattie Government chose jobs as the first of its
seven policy priorities (because this is the most important source of
people's income and their participation in community life). The budget
forecast the creation of 33,000 jobs and a $24m surplus (which is small
considering the stage in the economic cycle). Why was the Treasurer
satisfied with a result (ie an 8% unemployment average over next year) so
far from the 5% unemployment rate that was targeted on gaining office?
The government has suggested that high unemployment is a negative effect
of high population growth. The Government needs to consider the job
creation potential of a less restrictive industrial relations climate.
However there are positive elements in the budget eg (a) $100m funding
for infrastructure for industries like biotechnology and light metals -
though this is of little use unless such firms locate here and (b) social
services - though these are still well behind other states ('Budget fails
grade on job creation', editorial, Courier Mail, 20/6/01).
The problem with the budget was its forecast 8%
unemployment rate when the government had promised 5%. At a press
conference, journalists mainly wanted to ask the Treasurer about the
Government's jobs' performance - as everyone but the Treasurer saw this
to be poor. When the Premier appeared, all he wanted to talk about was
Smart State (Johnstone C. 'Jobless prove to be hard work', Courier
Mail, 20/6/01).
The Opposition criticised the budget for not creating a framework for
long term job creation. There was (it was said): a lack of regional
projects; an emphasis on short term schemes; and a $170m cut in capital
spending. Commerce Queensland suggested that the budget did not provide
fiscal leadership in reforms that might stimulate investment and jobs
(Parnell S. 'Horan hits blueprint of gloom', Courier Mail,
20/6/01)
The budget is constructive in trying to
diversify the state's economy - yet there has been no attempt to achieve
industrial reform, which is essential given the high unemployment rate.
Funding was only provided for marginal issues such as making workplaces
family friendly, establishing a youth advocate, and setting up a bullying
task force (McCarthy J., 'Mediocre measures ignore core state issues',
Courier Mail, 20/6/01)
Tax rates
Commerce Queensland criticised the budget for increasing the numbers of
firms required to pay payroll tax (though the rate had reduced).
(Anderson F and Brannelly L, 'Payroll tax change bolsters government
coffers', Courier Mail, 20/6/01)
The state government has paved the way for increasing revenue from the
state's coal industry - taking advantage of the first profitable period
in seven years - to which the Queensland Mining Council has strongly
objected. Mining royalties of $696m are expected ($500m from coal mining
alone) in 2001-02 - with an extra $500m from leasing of Dalrymple Bay
coal loader. The QMC suggested that the industry was being seen as a
milking cow. The moment tourism is in trouble it gets major concessions -
yet none have been made for mining (McCarthy J. 'Govt eyes coal revenue
till', Courier Mail, 20/6/01)
Queensland continues to claim that it has the lowest tax rates in
Australia - yet Tasmania's tax rates have become lower since 1998/99
(Emerson S., 'Time to get over economic fairytales', Australian,
20/6/01)
Business is unimpressed with Queensland's 2001 budget - with the mining
industry particularly outraged by increases in taxes and charges (Fraser
A. 'Treasury digs deep to tap into miners' profits', Australian,
20/6/01)
|
| COMMENTS |
CPDS Comments
on 2001 Budget
On paper many of the ideas behind the budget strategy sound very good.
However there are difficulties in (a) the financial position (b) the related
economic strategy (c) the methods being used to develop the budget strategy and
(d) the abilities of a politically-manipulated Public Service.
Firstly the financial position is
deteriorating (eg see published assessments above),
and note that
- in 2000-01 Queensland appeared to be facing significant financial
challenges (see Section 7 of Queensland's
Challenge). Particular points to note include:
- the state's narrow tax base ( Note 49
on Queensland's Challenge );
- past increases in public spending that for years were much larger than
the rate of growth of the state economy (
Notes 50 to 52);
- a weak tax base related to the low productivity of the industries that
have been encouraged by low taxes (Note 69
). Moreover Queensland is somewhat 'locked into' low tax revenues because
of:
- this established poor industrial structure; and
- the adverse effect on economic growth which raising taxes rates
would have due to the dependence of growth (and some industrial
production) on rapid net interstate migration which is in turn partly
dependent on low costs (see
Section 7.2 of SEQ 2001: A Plan for an Under-developed Economy
);
- the progressive erosion of Queensland's claimant status under
Commonwealth Grant's Commission arrangements (
Note 63 );
- the recent reliance on capital funding derived from raiding the
limited balance sheets of government enterprises (
Note 53 );
- the proposed adoption of new accounting standards which will inhibit
the distortions of the capital account that an accrual accounting system
allows through the values assigned to government assets (
Note 61 );
- the financial risks inherent in Queensland's corporatisation model for
government business enterprises in any truly competitive environment (
Note 76 );
- the potential need to find substantial funds to re-capitalise various
government business operations if the market values of their assets fall
in the face of competition ( Note 75 );
and
- the practical limits on Queensland's capacity to borrow (
Note 81 ).
- there is concern by several other states
that Queensland receives far more funds from the Commonwealth than the latter
collects in revenue in Queensland (and an investigation into Commonwealth
Grants Commission procedures has been launched as a result). The phenomenon
reflects the weak tax base in Queensland that defective economic strategies
have created (see
Comment on Proposed Review of the Grants Commission Arrangements)
- there is little credibility in the forecast of future budget surpluses.
For example:
- government revenue in 2001-02 is being supported by assets sales
(which are depressing operating results of Public Trading Enterprise)
(Budget Paper #2. p21 and p27). There now appears to be
little left to sell except for the electricity industry;
- gross fixed capital formation is forecast to decline significantly in
coming years (Budget Paper #2, p21 and p27) despite
business expectations that infrastructure spending should actually rise
(eg see article by MacDermott above).
On reducing capital demands: The Queensland Government has indicated
(in early 2002) that it can't maintain its record ($5bn pa) capital works
spending without raising taxes - which it doesn't want to do. Private
sector help in providing infrastructure is sought - and a Public Private
Partnership arrangement has been developed to allow this (Strutt S.
'Beattie calls for private sector help on capital works', Financial
Review, 6/2/02) [[CPDS Comments: (a) the relatively small
amount that could be borrowed without significantly increasing taxation
can be noted (see Note 81); as can (b)
the inadequacies of arrangements for private public partnerships - See
Comments on Infrastructure
Partnerships]]
- earnings from financial assets (on which projected forward budget
surpluses depend) are forecast to increase strongly (Budget Paper
#2, p32-33) despite the fact that financial market
analysts generally expect earnings over the next decade to be well below
those of the 1990s.
- There is a 'feel' in studying the budget documents that details are being
glossed over, in areas where 'fiddles' might be possible. For example:
- capital transactions have now been
removed from the budget - and have become the responsibility of individual
agencies (Budget Paper #2, p63), eg
- Queensland Police have had to borrow ($22m) for the first time ever
to replace run-down and overcrowded police stations (Greber J. 'Police
run up $22m debt over antiquated stations', Courier Mail,
9/7/01).
Removing agency capital transactions from the budget provides scope for
'fiddles' - and is an intriguing action by a government that seems to be
able to find tens to hundreds of millions of dollars to generously
support favoured projects that none of its predecessors seemed to be able
to find.
Note also: The adoption of Public-Private
Partnership arrangements will shift some public liabilities
off-balance-sheet. The requirements to incur debts which have to be
repaid will be replaced by a contractual obligation which presumably (and
somewhat deceptively) does not appear on the balance sheet
(Gray J. 'Going private a $20bn shake up',
Australian, 11/2/02). Similar effects have been achieved in the past
through leasing, rather than purchasing, plant and equipment.
- 'fiddles' are also possible in the assessment of net state assets
under an accrual accounting system - through the valuations assigned to
assets which may have limited financial value, but which offset (now
undisclosed) borrowings.
- Queensland's net state assets are rising as a result of asset
revaluations (despite the poor 2000-01 operating result). But ...
- Recorded net financial assets are however falling slightly - a fact
which was not explicitly acknowledged (see Budget Paper
#2, Section 2);
As noted above, changes to rules related to valuing assets should soon
reduce the potential for distortions in this area.
- gross revenue includes around $2bn in 'equity
return' which is not well explained (see Budget Paper #3,
p45). In 1999-2000 and 2000-01 Public Trading Enterprises were required to
borrow something like $2bn pa to increase their debt levels, and it
appeared that this was then paid to the state as a return OF equity as its
did not appear elsewhere in the budget - and (presumably though not
provably) used to finance capital expenditure. However
Robinson suggests that the proceeds of government asset sales in
2001-02 are being paid to state revenue as special dividends (a practice
which itself concerned him). However, if this is so, than it is unclear
what 'equity return' means.
- perhaps it is purely a meaningless payment of a return ON equity -
ie government says to an agency: you have $x bn in non-financial assets
on which we expect a return of $y m, and your budget includes $y m to
allow you to pay this back to us. However:
- it might also be taken to mean a return OF equity. Is it possible
that undisclosed and unwarranted borrowings are being used to
contribute to gross revenue - which then are involved in an
inter-agency transfer and appear in GFS revenue in another form?
There has been concern about financial analysts who have given investors
un-ethically favourable assessments of shares to make profits for another
division in the analyst's business from dealings with the company. When the
assessments of Queensland's financial status that are offered by some
analysts are compared with the above indicators, one can not help but wonder
whether there are hidden relationships that may compromise the analyst's
independence and turn them into mere 'hired guns'.
Secondly, while the Government's
economic strategy emphasises highly desirable and long overdue
diversification of the economy, the way in which this is being done seems quite
amateurish.
Thirdly there appear to be
technical weaknesses in the Managing for
Outcomes arrangements which underpin Queensland's procedures for
strategic planning and budgeting.
Finally the general problem facing
Queensland's overall system of public administration is that trendy ideas, that
may sound fantastic in theory, are often not practical or able to be capably
implemented.
This problem arises because the Public Service has for some time operated
under a mainly political, rather than a professional, mandate. In other words
it is obliged to be more concerned with how policy appears to influential
interest groups, than whether it works in practice.
See:
The Growing Case for a Professional Public Service;
Towards a Professional Public
Service for Queensland; Section 5
and Section 6 of Queensland's Challenge;
and its Continuation. A tentative proposal
for Public Service Renewal on a
Professional Basis has been drafted, a process which (whenever / if
it is started) will necessarily take many years.
The result is that the Public Service has difficulty providing practical
advice about policy and effective support with policy implementation - which
translate into a potential to spend ever increasing amounts of money for ever
declining benefits.
Moreover a mainly political focus constrains the Public Service's ability to
protect the public interest by acting as a counter-balance to elected
government (eg by ensuring that problem areas in the budget and elsewhere are
not just 'swept under the carpet'). And whether financial data is really
meaningful depends a great deal on the motivations of those who prepare it (as
the Enron debacle has graphically illustrated).
Queensland's community, whose representatives have long tolerated an inept
and unjust system of public administration, may now be about to pay a high
price for their apathy.
The above comments are based on only a cursory examination of the 2001-02
budget.
January 2002
|
| Budget Documents
|
2001 Budget
Documents
Queensland. State Budget 2001: Budget Speech (Budget
Paper No 1)
- A Charter of Social and Fiscal responsibility has been accepted
- Net operating surplus in 2001-02 will be $24m in GFS (Government Finance
Statistics) terms - with a $253 cash surplus.
- Total net state assets will grow to $59.3bn by 30/6/02. Financial assets
cover all accruing and future liabilities - which contrasts with the
situation in the Commonwealth and all other states.
- Aggregate expenditure will rise 6% in the 2001/02 budget.
- An enhanced agency strategic planning process is to be implemented (to
align services and priorities).
- Economic challenges have included: the introduction of the GST; declining
business investment; and US / Japan slowdowns. Yet Queensland still grew 3.5%
in 2000-01. Forecast growth for 2001-02 is 4% - mainly due to household
consumption; more housing construction and from exports.
- Jobs will grow 2% yet unemployment will still be 8% which is too high
because of growing labour market participation and labour market growth. Jobs'
growth under present government has been 111,000.
- Queenslanders pay 26% less tax per capita than other states. Payroll
taxes are to be reduced, and some stamp duties are to be cut and
rationalised. The coal royalty arrangement will be refined
- job creation (and breaking the unemployment cycle) remain major
priorities.
- the Smart State program involves positioning Queensland for innovation
and for the information economy (for which Department of Innovation and
Information Economy has been created). Investments in education and research
will seek this goal.
- Queensland is highly decentralised, and substantial investments will
continue in the regions;
- emphasis will also be given to:
- stronger police service, secure prisons and getting smarter about
crime prevention
- access to high standards of education, health, housing and family
services as a basis for a better quality of life
- protecting the environment and its biodiversity
- articulating a vision, listening to the community, seeking
productivity and being accountable
- delivering on commitments
Queensland. State Budget 2001-02: Budget Statement
(Budget Paper No 2)
- 1. Budget Strategies and Priorities
- Highlights (p1)
- 2001-02 budget provides an operating surplus of $240m and cash
surplus of $253m in General Government on a GFS (Government Finance
statistics) basis
- General Government forward estimates are for a sustained and
improving surplus in the out years - as required by the Charter of
Social and Fiscal responsibility
- General Government revenue will increase 5.5% over 2000-01 to
$19.261bn
- General Government expenses will increase by 3.1% to $19.237bn -
after allowing for the effect of HIH insurance collapse and the
transfer of a water supply board to local government
- Total capital outlays will rise 2.2% to $5.115bn
- Net state assets will rise to $59.259bn by 30/6/02
- GSP (gross state product) will grow 4% in 2001-02 - up from 3.5% in
2000-01
- employment will grow by 33000 jobs
- capital programs are being reduced to more sustainable levels (p2)
- Government has accepted a Charter of Social and Fiscal Responsibility
(p4) and has defined its policy priorities and objectives (p5)
- 2. Background and Outlook
- Key points (p17) - in 2000-01 General Government will have a $474 cash
surplus and an operating deficit of $820m - due to collapse of HIH
insurance, transfer of assets of a water supply board and $300m lower than
expected investment returns on state's financial assets
- Key financial aggregates (p21) include:
- Gross fixed capital formation gross fixed capital formation will
decrease in 2001-02 - as projects are finished and remain stable at a
sustainable level
1999-2000 2001-02 2004-04 (forward estimates p 27)
General Government $2.6bn $2.0bn $1.6bn
Public Trading Enterprises $2.6bn $2.0bn $1.3bn
- net operating balance of Public Trading Enterprises - which is
declining
$99m ($249m)
- Poor net operating result by PTE sector is due to once-off special
dividend from sale of Brisbane Market Corp and long term lease of
Dalrymple Bay Coal Loader (p21)
- Net worth of state
1999-00 2000-01 2001-02
$57.293bn $58.473bn $59.259bn
Including equity in PTEs $11.725bn $12.608bn $12.552bn
and equity in PFEs $916m $682m $682m
- Despite poor operating result in 2000-01, the net worth of state will
increase in 2000-01 by $1.18bn due to revaluation in education, main
roads, natural resources and mines and by Ergon Energy and Energex (p24)
- Net financial assets are a measure of financial strength (= financial
assets - liabilities). Net financial assets in General Government will
grow by $1.131bn to $32bn as at 30/6/01 - while liabilities will increase
by $1.5bn to $17.036. Thus assets are more than adequate for liabilities.
- State net worth will increase by $786m to 30/6/02 - due to
revaluations, gains from assets sales, net additions to stock, and net
operating profits.
- 3. Operating Statement
- Cost of HIH collapse was $354m (discounted) and transfer of water
supply board cost $180
- See summary operating result p31
- Interest income in 2000-01 is to be lower than in 1999-00 due to lower
rates of return in international equity markets. Future interest income is
forecast to increase from $981m (2000-01) to $1260m (2001-02) and $1653m
(2004-05) [p32-33]
- Other Income - which includes dividends, royalties, property, fines,
donations and sundry sources. Expected to increase 3.2% in 2001-02 due to
greater royalties and general revenue growth across departments. Dividends
will increase slightly in 2001-02 (from Ports and QRail - offset by
smaller electricity supply dividends - the latter being counterbalanced by
smaller government electricity subsidies) (p37)
- PTEs will pay $1392m to revenue in 2001-02 and receive $807m in GOCs.
- 4. Statement of Financial Position
- Financial assets will exceed liabilities by $15.013bn at 30/6/02
- From 30/0/01 departments will shift from valuing assets on the basis
of deprival (replacement) value to either cost or fair (market) value.
Those changes are of only a technical accounting nature (p46)
- Public Trading Enterprises situation (p52)
- financial position of PTEs ($bn)
- 1999-00 2005-05
- Assets 26.2 27.9 29.0 29.6 30.0 30.4
- Liabilities14.5 15.4 16.5 16.7 16.8 16.6
- Net11.7 13.8
- Net worth of PTE's at 30/6/02 estimated at $12.552bn increasing to
$13.802bn by 30/6/04. Ratio of total PTE borrowings to equity plus
borrowings = 49.9% (at 30/6/02);
- Government's equity to total assets at 30/6/02 = 43.2% - which is
similar to various major companies
- Debt levels are comparable to private counterparts with 80% (ie
$10.849bn) being owed to QTC, and $953 being balance of deferred tax
equivalent liability of GOCs owed to government
- 5. Statement of Cash Flows
- Government will record $2.276bn surplus from operating activities more
than sufficient to fund $2.024bn in new financial assets (p55)
- 6. Capital Program
- Key points (p63)
- 2001-02 - capital program will have significant employment impact -
and support 46300 full time jobs
- 58% of capital expenditure will be outside Brisbane
- under Queensland accrual accounting budget model, Managing for
Outcomes, there is no specific appropriation for capital. Instead
responsibility for capital management devolves to agencies which
develop capital investment plans that include sources of funding for
assets. Funding sources can include: equity injection from government;
output funding to cover cost of capital consumption such as
depreciation / amortisation; asset sales; borrowings; retained earnings
and own sourced revenue.
- Sources of funding for Property, Plant and Equipment and Other
Capital in 2000-02 will be: Depreciation and amortisation ($2660m);
Equity injections, borrowings and other sources ($2022m); and capital
contingency reserve (negative $110m) = $4571m (p67)
- 7. Long Term Fiscal Trends and Risks
- Key points (p73)
- Queensland maintains a strong balance sheet
- expenditure effort has moved above average
- Queensland has maintained a competitive tax regime - but has seen
the erosion of its tax base and reduced fiscal flexibility due to tax
reform
- Long term challenges include: aging population; general demographics;
indigenous demographics; and the environment.
- Funding capital expenditure (p79)
- agencies are provided funding for depreciation to maintain existing
levels of capital stock. Increases in capital stock are funded from
operating surplus and by balance sheet means such as borrowing, asset
sales, or converting financial assets to physical assets
- fiscal principles in Charter of Social and Fiscal Responsibility
are:
- government will ensure sustainable services by maintaining
overall surplus;
- borrow only for capital purposes - where this can be serviced
within the surplus;
- financial assets will cover future liabilities;
- maintain (and try to increase) total state net worth
- funding new assets by sale of old assets reflects strategic
decisions. Where do not want to sell old assets, there are limits to
the capital program set by operating surplus and depreciation
provisions (p80)
- as the capital base increases, depreciation provisions increase;
- Queensland agencies have taken a more cautious approach than some
others - with higher depreciation rates. This lowers surplus and
results in more frequent upgrade of assets.
- Interest revenue was up in 1999-00 (giving a better surplus) and down
in 2000-01 (contributing to the deficit) - p85
- Other revenue includes contributions by PTEs - which are subject to
risks (p85)
Queensland State Budget 2001-02: Economic and Revenue
Outlook (Budget paper #3)
- 1. Economic Strategies
- Highlights (p1)
- pursuing strategies aimed at lifting Queensland's economic growth
to increase living standards and employment. This requires responsible
fiscal strategy, a supportive business environment, employment
initiatives, balanced structural adjustment and infrastructure
investment
- accompanied by targeted action in key areas of education and
training, regional growth, industry growth and innovation
- quotes OECD Growth Strategy (2001) for desirable policy to
increase growth.
- outlines key issues in strategy (p3-11)
- growth strategies
- Education and Training Initiatives (note policy in Queensland
State Education 2010 )
- Regional Growth including (a) infrastructure (b) regional trade
action plans (c) major regional tourism initiatives (d) regional
business development
- Industry Growth and Innovation including (a) $100m Smart State
Research Facilities Fund (b) Queensland Innovation Strategy to provide
grants for infrastructure / skills (C) Queensland Industry Development
Scheme - government funding for new projects and (d) Governments
Biotechnology Industry Strategy
- Market reform - involving competitive markets in rail, water,
energy
- 2. Economic Performance and Outlook (p15)
- employment will grow 2%
- unemployment will fall - but remain at 8%
- 3. Revenue Outlook
- Some changes in tax rates (p35)
- Total General Government Revenue (gross) 2001-02 (p36)
- Taxes Levies, fees and fines$5137m
- Commonwealth payments $9388m
- Revenue from Financial Assets $2903m [see detail below]
- User charges $2515m
- Royalties $696m
- Grants and contributions $714m
- Gains, Revaluation and other $2302m [see detail below]
- Total $23657m
- Revenue from Financial Assets 2001-02 (p41)
- Investment Earnings $1269m
- Dividends $1164m
- Tax equivalent payments $369m
- Guarantee fees $79m
- other $22m
- Total $2903m
- Gains, Revaluations and other Revenue (p45)
- Equity return $2027m [$1870m (1999-00); $1995m (2000-01]
- Gains and revaluations $11m
- Other $264m
- Total $2302m
- "Equity return is a periodic payment made by agencies reflecting the
opportunity cost to the government of the assets held by agencies - and is
calculated on the value of the agencies total assets. In 1999-2000
agencies were fully funded for equity return and this has been built into
ongoing funding. In 2001-02 the equity return is expected to grow by 1.6%
in line with general growth in departmental equity" (p45)
- Reconciliation with Consolidated General Government Revenue Data (p51)
- Gross Intra-sector transactions Net revenue
- Taxes Levies, fees and fines $5137m $297 $4840m
- Commonwealth payments $9388m $9388m
- Revenue from Financial Assets $2903m $315m $2588m
- User charges $2515m $1264m $1251m
- Royalties $696m $696m
- Grants and contributions $714m $527m $187m
- Gains, Revaluation and other $2302m $2084m $218m
- Total $23657m $19170
- "The main difference between revenue estimates here and in GFS is that
GFS is net estimate excluding intra-sector transactions and also excluding
gains and losses on asset sales and other asset revaluation adjustments"
- 4. Federal Financial Relations
- Queensland has been disadvantaged by national tax reform because of
its prior competitive tax environment
- Queensland receives funds for reduction in state taxes that average
$213 per capita as compared with national average of $819
- Queensland receives only 1.7% of budget balancing assistance
- Queensland's share of former Financial Assistance Grants has been
falling due to changes in Commonwealth grants Commission's assessment of
states
- considering all Commonwealth payments to states in 2001-02, Queensland
will receive $270m less than its per capita share
Queensland the Smart State - Investing in
People and Communities
Smart State is a plan for the future. It sees Queensland with broader and
more technologically based industries and more skilled and adaptable workforce.
People will live in safer, cleaner and more secure environments. Communities
will be stronger. Government services will be more flexible and better
targeted. Economic strategies will be driven to new knowledge industries - with
thousands of IT and biotechnology jobs and a vibrant cohesive society looking
outwards to the world. Development will balance the competitive and productive
needs of business with quality of life for citizens and public service
delivery. Investing in People and Communities recognises that people are
our top priority. All efforts are to improve lives of Queenslanders via job
creation strategy, major jobs projects, schools, health services, etc.
Government will continue to improve its relationship with the community.
Government will support people at critical times in their lives eg early
childhood, in school to work transition and in retirement.
- Securing Economic Prosperity:
- Equipping traditional industries for new challenges, and investing in
and attracting new industries
- $55bn in projects are planned or committed (according to Access
Economics Investment Monitor - March quarter 2001)
- $5.115bn capital spending - more per capita than other states - 58%
outside Brisbane
- Private sector partnerships eg: CS Energy's Callide Power Station;
Gold Coast Convention and Exhibition Centre; Intergen's plan for power
station at Millmerran; Airtrain Consortium for Brisbane Airport Rail link
- Local infrastructure and services - assisting via subsidies
- Trade - $23bn exports - 22% of GSP - up 5.7% pa (cf 4.7% pa growth pf
GSP) = 20% of national exports
- Jobs - 30% of Australia's job creation since 1990-2000 - growth 2.5%
pa cf 1.2% pa nationally. More for Breaking the Unemployment Cycle;
strategic interventions intended for youth and aged
- Smart State Research Facilities Fund - $100m to invest in world class
research facilities - administered by new Department of Innovation and
Information Economy.
- Strategic industry development - emphasising aviation
- Learning excellence - centres of excellence in Pharmacy and in
Technology / Maths and Science in secondary schools.
- Farming for the Future
- Understanding the environment (eg salinity and water quality)
- Sustainable Land and Water management practices
- Creating innovative technologies (applying advances in biotechnology
and food and fibre science and innovation)
- Adapting to change (eg farm business improvement, climatic
information, market access and product)
- Protecting Natural Assets
- Diversity
- Enhanced protected Area Management
- Great Walks
- Protecting the Great Barrier Reef
- Putting Families First
- Child health care
- Nurturing families
- Safe communities
- Community and infrastructure support
- New Deal for YoungQueenslanders
- Education
- Skilling for jobs - big increase in apprenticeships
- Participating in Queensland life
- Tackling Drugs
- Prevention
- Treatments
- Law enforcement
- Senior Queenslanders
- Quality of life
- Safety
- Working
- Dental care
- Volunteers
- Safety and Justice
- Police service
- Secure prisons
- Community renewal
- Responding to disasters
- Access to justice
- Community Engagement
- Office for women
- Regional communities program
- Multicultural affairs
- Cape York partnership
- Crime prevention
- E-democracy trial over 3 years
- Community cabinets
- Qld events
- Queensland's greats
- Access Qld - a program to improve whole-of-government service delivery
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